Adam Serwer

Adam Serwer

Reporter

Adam Serwer is a reporter at Mother Jones. Formerly a staff writer at the American Prospect, his writing has appeared in the Washington Post, the Root, the Village Voice, and the New York Daily News

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8 Things Justice Alito Has Ruled on That Are Newer Than Cellphones and the Internet

| Thu Mar. 28, 2013 9:16 AM PDT

During oral arguments over the constitutionality of California's ban on same-sex marriage, Justice Samuel Alito offered a novel reason not to find a constitutional right to same-sex marriage: It hasn't been around that long. 

"You want us to step in and render a decision based on an assessment of the effects of this institution which is newer than cellphones or the internet?" Alito said to Solicitor General Donald Verrilli Jr. "We do not have the ability to see the future." The framers presumably left the "no ruling on things younger than cellphones or the internet" clause on the cutting room floor while they were putting together Article III of the US Constitution.

As it happens, the mobile phone, which was invented in 1973, predates Alito's bachelor's degree, and the Internet dates back to the 1960s (although the World Wide Web came into being in 1993). And Alito hasn't always been so reluctant to rule on things "newer than cellphones or the internet." Here are a few examples:

  • McCain-Feingold: The 2010 Citizens United decision striking down restrictions on outside political spending by corporations and unions also overturned portions of the bipartisan campaign finance law that passed in 2002.
  • Bush's military commissions: Alito sided with the minority in the 2006 decision in Hamdan v. Rumsfeld, which struck down Bush's military commissions. Not only were the military commissions younger than cellphones or the internet, they're also younger than legalized same-sex marriage.
  • Bans on crush videos: Alito was the lone dissenter in a Supreme Court case ruling that a 1999 ban on the creation, sale and possession of materials depicting cruelty to animals violated the First Amendment
  • Arizona's harsh anti-immigration law: Arizona passed its harsh anti-immigration law in 2010, but only two years later Alito sided with the conservative minority who wanted to uphold part of the law that had been struck down by a lower court.
  • Obamacare: The Affordable Care Act passed in 2010. Two years later, Alito voted with most of his conservative colleagues on the court to strike it down.
  • Warrantless wiretapping: Early in 2013 Alito wrote an opinion in Clapper v. Amnesty dismissing a challenge to the 2008 FISA Amendments Act that retroactively legalized Bush's warrantless wiretapping program on the grounds that the plaintiffs couldn't prove they had been spied on by the government. 
  • Fake Military Honors: Last year Alito joined two of his conservative colleagues in dissenting from a decision that a 2005 law making it illegal to lie about receiving a military medal was unconstitutional because it violated the First Amendment.
  • Speech as material support for terrorism: Alito sided with the government in Holder v. Humanitarian Law Project, a case in which the court held that under the PATRIOT Act, which passed in 2001, anyone providing any kind of "assistance" to terrorist groups—even say, posting an extremist video online—could be charged with material support for terrorism.

Either restricting people's fundamental rights based on sexual orientation is unconstitutional or it isn't. This list is by no means exhaustive—it's just a handful of cases in which Alito has been able to figure out how to interpret the Constitution without an egg timer. 

Big Government or Marriage Equality? DOMA Puts Conservative Justices in a Bind

| Wed Mar. 27, 2013 3:00 PM PDT
ryan toneyMarriage equality activist Ryan Toney, 18, of Washington, DC, stands in front of the Supreme Court.

Once upon a time, there was an overreaching and intrusive federal government that stuck a woman who lost her spouse with a $300,000 tax bill. Then a group of black-robed heroes who believe in constraining excessive government power saved the day and told the nasty feds they couldn't do that. 

That may sound like a conservative fairy tale. But in this particular story, the widow, Edith Windsor, who lost her partner of more than 40 years in 2009, is a lesbian; thanks to the Defense of Marriage Act, which prohibits the federal government from recognizing her marriage, when her wife died she could not claim a tax benefit afforded married people and was hit with a $363,053 estate tax bill. So when the Supreme Court heard arguments on Wednesday concerning a challenge to DOMA, this was truly a test for the conservative justices, who have been handed an opportunity to demonstrate whether they truly possess a principled opposition to overreaching big government. Yet during oral arguments—which came a day after arguments on the constitutionality of Proposition 8, California's same-sex marriage ban—it was the Democratic appointees on the court who seemed more eager to ride to Windsor's rescue and uphold the conservative notion that the federal government cannot infringe on a state's definition of marriage.

Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg summed it up this way: DOMA diminishes "what the states say is marriage" by treating same-sex and opposite-sex marriages differently, denying federal benefits and recognition to same-sex marriages performed or recognized in a state. Under DOMA, Ginsburg commented, heterosexual couples were receiving "full marriage" while same-sex couples were getting "skim-milk marriage."

At Supreme Court, Marriage Equality Foes' Best Argument Is That They're Losing

| Tue Mar. 26, 2013 12:20 PM PDT
america is doomedProtesters gathered outside the Supreme Court during oral arguments on California's gay marriage ban.

On Tuesday, the Supreme Court heard oral arguments in the first of two marriage equality cases, and the best argument the chief defender of California's ban on same-sex marriage could muster was that his side would ultimately lose.

Americans' understanding of marriage is "changing and changing rapidly in this country, as people throughout the country engage in an earnest debate over whether the age-old definition of marriage should be changed to include same-sex couples," argued Charles Cooper, who represented Californians supporting Proposition 8, California's ban on same-sex marriage. He was trying to convince the justices that Prop. 8 does not violate the constitutional rights of same-sex couples. In doing so, though, he acknowledged that acceptance of same-sex marriage rights is galloping forward, and he argued that the Supreme Court should allow that process to continue without interference from the Supreme Court. In other words, Californians whose marriage rights were taken from them at the ballot box should wait patiently for the country to evolve as quickly as ambitious Democratic politicians. (On Wednesday, the court will hear a challenge to the Defense of Marriage Act, which bans federal recognition of same-sex marriages performed in states when they are legal.)

It's never a good idea to predict the results of a Supreme Court case based on oral arguments, and the strongest presentation at the Court isn't always the one that wins. But from his first, hoarse remarks, it was clear that Cooper had walked into the heat of battle lightly armed. An experienced litigator who served in the Reagan-era Justice Department, Cooper took up the defense of Prop. 8 after California officials declined to back the law in court. He was supposed to argue that the state had a legitimate interest (other than simple bigotry) in banning same-sex couples from getting married, but he had difficulty finding one.

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