Andy Kroll

Andy Kroll

Senior Reporter

Andy Kroll is Mother Jones' Dark Money reporter. He is based in the DC bureau. His work has also appeared at the Wall Street Journal, the Guardian, Men's Journal, the American Prospect, and, where he's an associate editor. Email him at akroll (at) motherjones (dot) com. He tweets at @AndyKroll.

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Obama v. FDR

| Thu Feb. 11, 2010 3:43 PM EST

Not long after Scott Brown, a nude model turned U.S. Senator, and his Tea Party cohort rode the public’s growing disquiet and the candidate’s everyman truck into office, you could hear the shift in Barack Obama’s voice. Out went the cool, detached president, and in came a new populism and a leader who had lost his elitist "g”s and now talked about "leakin’" roofs and "buyin’" new curtains, who spent time walkin’ the shop floor and rollin’ up his shirtsleeves. In Elyria, Ohio, he exhorted a town-hall crowd with how hard he’s been fightin’—so hard, in fact, that he repeated the word 14 emphatic times.

Rhetorical fisticuffs aside, Obama the Populist had by now essentially sidelined health care and climate change for a far narrower focus in 2010: jobs. In his State of the Union Address, he held up the nearly $800 billion stimulus bill as evidence of his job-creating bona fides, and laid out a new $30 billion small-business initiative using repaid bailout cash to boost hiring and wages. "Jobs must be our number-one focus in 2010" was his mantra.

The president’s recent jobs "surge," however, does little more than tilt feebly at fixin’ the country’s dismal employment landscape. Sendin’ funds to community banks to provide credit and cuttin’ taxes for businesses, as Obama proposes, are at best indirect and modest routes to creatin’ new jobs or savin’ existing ones. No indirect program of this sort is going to quickly lower an official unemployment rate hovering near 10%, with underemployment at 17%, and record numbers of people jobless for 27 weeks or more.

Looking back on Obama’s first year, there’s little to suggest he’s up to the jobs task. The stimulus, for instance, reportedly paid for around 600,000 jobs in the fourth quarter of 2009, and around 1.2 million jobs since its creation—nothing to scoff at, but scant enough improvement in the face of 2.6 million jobs lost in 2008 and nearly 4 million in 2009. Compared to presidential forebear Franklin Delano Roosevelt, who galvanized the nation during the Great Depression with truly popular direct public-works programs that created millions of jobs, Obama’s record is paltry indeed.

To read a post by Steve Fraser about "The New Deal in Reverse," click here. To catch him in an audio interview discussing why Obama has ignored the jobs model Roosevelt pioneered, click here.

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New Push for Crooked Oil Crackdown

| Mon Feb. 8, 2010 12:24 PM EST

In the wake of last's week Senate report on how dirty foreign money still flows into the US, an international group of energy activists pointed to the report's findings as fresh evidence for the need for more transparency in the oil, gas, and mineral industries. The exhaustive report, published by the Senate investigations subcommittee, details four corruption cases—three of them previously unreported—in which foreign individuals all from nations rich in oil or other natural resources funneled millions of dollars in "suspect funds" into the US for money laundering purposes. In several instances, that dirty money likely came from the countries' burgeoning energy sectors. The energy-transparency organization, the Publish What You Pay coalition, said the Senate's findings reveal the shadowy, corrupt figures in energy-rich nations like Angola, Nigeria, and Gabon—three countries cited in the report—and show the need for disclosure on how multinational energy companies do business in those countries. "More transparency is needed in these countries to empower citizens to prevent the theft of public funds," Isabel Munilla, Publish What You Pay's US director, said in a statement. "A comprehensive US policy response requires the passing of the Energy Security Through Transparency Act."

That legislation, introduced by Sen. Richard Lugar (R-IN) and Sen. Ben Cardin (D-MD) in September 2009, would force SEC-registered energy companies, like ExxonMobil and British Petroleum, to disclose how much they pay to foreign countries like Nigeria and the Congo to extract natural resources. Right now, information on those kinds of payments remains in the dark; the final destination of that money—be it the extraction company or the pockets of powerful foreign leaders—remains unclear. Lugar and Cardin's bill would go a long way toward tracking that money and potentially preventing those funds from ending up in the wrong hands—an all-too-often occurrence in countries where resource wealth is a curse and not a blessing and transparency is the exception and not the rule.

Banks Snooze, Arms Dealers Win

| Thu Feb. 4, 2010 3:57 PM EST

You've heard plenty about the big banks' role in the Great Recession, but their headaches are about to get worse.

At a packed hearing today, the Senate investigations subcommittee led by Sen. Carl Levin (D-MI) shed new light on banks' negligence and wrongdoing—and this time it's not credit-default swaps or derivatives but money laundering and arms dealers. The hearing, held in conjunction with a 325-page report by the subcommittee, focused on four detailed cases of foreign money pouring in the United States and the ways in which American banks, lobbyists, lawyers, and other businessmen aided that money laundering. "For the United States, which has so much riding on global stability, corruption is a direct threat to our national interests," Levin said in his opening statement. "The stories we uncovered are striking in their misuse of our financial system."

In essence, the hearing and the report highlighted how institutions like Bank of America, HSBC, and Citibank snoozed when it comes to due diligence and investigating their clients, while notorious arms dealers, sons of despotic politicians, and even shady central banks channeled millions upon millions into the US to buy planes, sports cars, and luxury houses. Singling out HSBC, whose anti-money laundering compliance director testified at the hearing, Levin slammed the bank for actually encouraging the Central Bank of Angola—whose clients include many questionable red-flagged individuals, or "Politically Exposed Persons"—to move millions to an offshore bank in the Bahamas beyond the reach of British financial laws. "You claim that you're a leader in anti-money laundering rules and enforcement," Levin told HSBC's Wiecher Mandemaker. Yet "you facilitate people evading the law of your own country."

Levin, seated next to subcommittee ranking member Sen. Tom Coburn (R-OK), had also invited three active participants in the corruption cases detailed in the report—Beverly Hills attorneys Michael Berger and George Nagler, who'd aided Teodoro Obiang, son of the president of Equatorial Guinea, and Jeffrey Birrell, an American lobbyist who tried to purchase armored cars and military transport planes for Omar Bongo, the president of Gabon. All three directly implicated witnesses, however, chose not to speak at the hearing, citing the Fifth Amendment. 

Levin and Coburn did offer a modicum of praise to a Bank of America senior executive who spoke at this morning's hearing. Bank of America appears several times in the subcommittee's report for allowing Pierre Falcone, an infamous arms dealer imprisoned several times, and his relatives to circulate at least $60 million through 29 accounts with the bank. In fact, Levin pointed to documents obtained by the subcommittee showing that Bank of America knew of Falcone's background and the millions flowing into his accounts from the secretive countries and shady "clients" yet concluded that "activity for the accounts of the Falcone's [sic] is not unusual." And while William Fox, the Bank of America executive, acknowledged that the bank had made "a bad judgment call" with Falcone, he emphasized the tougher disclosure and anti-money laundering safeguards that bank had installed in the past few years, measures that Levin praised.

In all, the hearing, together with the report, offered an unparalleled glimpse at the ways in which corrupt foreign figures still funnel their money into major American financial institutions. At the hearing, Levin said he hopes to close legal loopholes and revoke a 2002 exemption allowed by the Patriot Act, among others, to cut off the gaping holes that still allow dirty money to come into the US. "There is a lot more that can be done to combat foreign corruption," Levin said. "It doesn't have to be that way."

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