Ian Gordon

Ian Gordon

Copy Editor

When not wrangling copy for the MoJo crew, Ian writes about immigration, sports, and Latin America. His work has appeared in ESPN the Magazine, Wired, and Slate. Got a comment or a tip? Email him: igordon [at] motherjones [dot] com.

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El Paso Judge Tells Perry Et Al. to Get Smarter, Not Tougher, on Border

| Thu Oct. 6, 2011 12:09 PM PDT
El Paso border

Texas Gov. Rick Perry and fellow Republican presidential candidate Mitt Romney sparred last weekend over Perry's suggestion that the threat of Mexican drug violence spilling into the United States "may require our military in Mexico…to kill these drug cartels and to keep them off of our border and to destroy their networks." Liberals mocked Perry's comments, and on Thursday, a border town judge chided both candidates in a New York Times op-ed for their "quasi-military approach [that] ignores the need for real solutions to our economic and social challenges."

In her piece, El Paso County Judge Veronica Escobar claims that Perry's border hawk posturing—for instance, saying President Obama was either poorly informed or "an abject liar" for claiming in a spring speech that El Paso and other border cities had become safer on his watch—could actually end up hurting places like El Paso. According to a July report in USA Today, the border city has recently "seen sharp declines in violent crimes despite being in the shadow of Ciudad Juárez, one of the main battlegrounds of Mexico's drug wars where 3,400 people were murdered last year." Writes Escobar, a Democrat: "Claims about our supposedly dangerous border would be laughable if they didn't damage our image and our ability to recruit talent, investment and events."

She continues: 

Mr. Perry is far from alone. Many Republican politicians—and not a few Democrats, too—use the bogeyman of border violence to justify exorbitant security measures, like the ever-lengthening border fence that costs $2.8 million per mile (for a total of $6.5 billion, including maintenance, over the 20-year lifetime of the fence). Mr. Perry's brainchild, security cameras, have so far cost $4 million to put in place and maintain.

These measures do little besides waste money. Tunnels already run below the border fence. During their first two years in operation, Mr. Perry's cameras led to the arrest of a whopping 26 people—that's $154,000 per arrest. And once undocumented immigrants are apprehended, costs continue to mount: in this fiscal year alone, the federal government is budgeting $2 billion just for detention.

Those facts haven't stopped the likes of Romney and "every mile, every yard, every foot, every inch" Michele Bachmann from talking up the idea of a fence running the entire length of southern border. Still, as unlikely (and unmanageable) as it seems, don't look now: The Secure Border Act of 2011—which would require the Department of Homeland Security to gain "operational control" of US borders within five years—just recently made its way through the House Homeland Security Committee.

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Mexican "Twitter Terrorists" Could Face 30 Years in Prison

| Fri Sep. 9, 2011 3:00 AM PDT

As narco-violence continues throughout Mexico, the government in the Gulf Coast state of Veracruz has taken aim on a pair of unlikely provocateurs. The state is currently pursuing terrorism and sabotage charges against a middle-aged math teacher and a local journalist. Their crime? Spreading false information on Twitter.

On August 25, rumors spread throughout the port city of Veracruz that there had been an attack at an elementary school in nearby Boca del Río. That's when teacher Gilberto Martínez Vero (@gilius_22) tweeted, "They took 5 kids, armed group, total psychosis in the zone." Using the hashtags #Verfollow and #Veracruz, Martínez and reporter María de Jesús Bravo Pagola quickly reached a wide audience of Veracruzanos. Panic ensued as parents raced to pick up their kids and others nearby tried to leave the area, resulting in traffic jams and a number of accidents.

One problem: There was no shooting or kidnapping. After getting in touch with school officials, Veracruz Gov. Javier Duarte de Ochoa attempted to diffuse the situation. By the following afternoon, both Martínez and Bravo had been arrested. Although human rights groups have pushed for their release—the local Amnesty International chapter said the arrest was "unfair and violates their right to justice and freedom of expression"—state officials could push for the maximum 30-year sentence on Martínez and Bravo. On top of that, the state is investigating 15 other people who tweeted similar information during the chaos.

Laying Down the (Immigration) Law: Alabama vs. Arizona

| Mon Aug. 29, 2011 3:00 AM PDT

Now that the Justice Department has battled the state of Alabama in court to block implementation of HB 56, the immigration bill that mirrors Arizona's controversial SB 1070 (PDF), it seems like as good a time as any to look at how the two measures, well, measure up. Which Republican-proposed legislation out-hypes, out-muscles, and out-bans the other?

 

Restrictions: Passed in April 2010, SB 1070 was the first in a series of tough state laws that sought to deal with illegal immigration in the absence of federal immigration reform. The bill's key components included making it a crime not to carry one's immigration documents and giving police wide-reaching power to detain anyone suspected of being in the country illegally—both of which were blocked by federal Judge Susan Bolton just months after the legislation's passage. (SB 1070 also made it a state crime to be in the United States illegally.)

HB 56 was signed into law by Alabama Gov. Robert Bentley on June 9. Like SB 1070, it requires police to try to determine a suspect's immigration status during the course of a lawful "stop, detention, or arrest"—given a "reasonable suspicion" that the person is an immigrant. But that's just the beginning: The legislation also bans undocumented immigrants from receiving state or local public benefits; keeps them from enrolling in public colleges; bars them from applying for or soliticing work; outlaws harboring and transporting undocumented immigrants; forbids renting them property or "knowingly" employing them within Alabama; calls for a citizenship check during voter registration; requires all state businesses to use the federal E-Verify system when hiring; and, if that wasn't enough, asks officials at public K-12 schools to determine the immigration status of their students.

Edge: SB 1070 set the precedent, but HB 56 far surpassed it. 1-0, Alabama.
 

Number of People Affected: According to a February report from the Pew Hispanic Center (PDF), in 2010 there were an estimated 400,000 undocumented immigrants living in Arizona, which shares a 370-mile border with Mexico and is a key crossing site for would-be migrants. (That's about 6 percent of the state's population.) Alabama, on the other hand, was home to an estimated 120,000 undocumented immigrants—nearly 100,000 more than in 2000 but still just 2.5 percent of all state residents.

But these laws don't just affect the undocumented—racial profiling is a real risk. Whereas 67 percent of Alabamians identified themselves as non-Hispanic whites in the 2010 census, 57.8 percent of Arizonans did so. Nearly 30 percent of Arizona census respondents self-identified as Hispanic or Latino.

Edge: The South has become a popular destination for Latin American immigrants in recent years, but this one ain't close. We're even at 1.
 

Legislative Sponsors: Where to begin with Arizona state Sen. Russell Pearce? The first Arizona legislator to be recalled has a bit of a track record: In 2006, he called for the renewal of a '50s-era deportation program known as Operation Wetback; last year, he tried to roll back birthright citizenship.

His Alabama counterpart, state Sen. Scott Beason, also has a way with words. Not only has he taken heat for saying that politicians should "empty the clip" on immigration issues, but the Birmingham NAACP has called for Beason's resignation after some choice comments about African Americans (he called them "aborigines") were played in a bingo corruption trial.

Edge: There's crazy, and then there's Russell Pearce. 2-1, Arizona.
 

Final Verdict: While HB 56 might have a longer list of restrictions—and while this isn't the first United States v. Alabama—Arizona is Arizona. The intangibles—from "Los Suns" jerseys and border fence pledge drives to Sheriff Joe Arpaio's Tent City jail and southern Arizona's secession plan—matter. Arizona is the real immigration wedge state.

 

UPDATE, 1:04 p.m. PST: Federal Judge Sharon L. Blackburn has decided that she needs more time to rule on HB 56 and has pushed back implementation of the bill until September 29. The legislation was originally set to go into effect on September 1. Alabama Gov. Robert Bentley had this to say in a statement: "I look forward to the Judge ruling on the merits. We have long needed a tough law against illegal immigration in this state, and we now have one. I will continue to fight at every turn to defend this law against any and all challenges."

Evo Morales: Enviro Saint or Sinner?

| Wed Aug. 24, 2011 3:00 AM PDT
Indigenous Bolivians march to protest the building of a road through a national park.

With his Aymara heritage and anti-imperial outlook, Evo Morales has often been portrayed as one of the developing world's leading voices on global warming. Back in 2009, the Bolivian president shook the Copenhagen climate change summit when he blamed rising temperatures on capitalism and suggested that, without drastic changes, Africa would "suffer a holocaust." In December, at a conference in Mexico, he said governments that avoided emissions reductions would be guilty of "ecocide."

But lately environmentalists and indigenous groups have been calling Morales a hypocrite, claiming his ecofriendly talk doesn't jibe with his government's recent record on fossil fuel exploration and mining-related pollution. And now, with the government in the midst of a road project that eventually will cut right through a national park, the protests have ramped up. On August 15, indigenous residents of the Isoboro-Sécure National Park and Indigenous Territory (TIPNIS) began a 300-plus-mile protest march from the Amazonian lowlands to La Paz.

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