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Black History Month and Negro-Bibliophilia: We Didn't Start the Fire. Y'all Did

With my kids home for four days (dammit), I've had scant time - what with going insane and all - to stay current. That's why the bombardment of black book reviews took me aback for a moment once I got back in the know. Whatever could have caused the sudden interest? It couldn't be the superficial politcal analyses (as opposed to worthy ones like this) attendant upon this election...then it hit me. Oh nooooooo. Black History Month is coming, with all it's attendant neuroses. Batten down the hatches.

I mock, because I must, but I find myself intrigued by this latest crop.

First, Randall Kennedy's Sell Out: The Politics of Racial Betrayal:

Fortunately, it's no how-to manual. Kennedy's chapters are dense, stuffed with facts and anecdotes, compressed almost beyond belief. His second and third chapters move the reader through roughly 177 years of black sellout history in approximately 50 pages. Since this history has been suppressed almost by definition, it has the advantage of offering a fresh look at a rarely considered aspect of black history. I'm pretty sure that the slave commended by his masters for helping to thwart the 1739 Stono Rebellion, in part by killing rebellious fellow bondsmen, has never shown up on any of those black history calendars full of noble-looking portraits of heroes, even though he was named July. You can bet that the words of William Hannibal Thomas, the first black man to attend Otterbein College, have never been trotted out at graduations, sermons, or rallies. Thomas' 1901 screed, "The American Negro: What He Was, What He Is, and What He Will Become: A Critical and Practical Discussion," posits that "the negro represents an intrinsically inferior type of humanity, and one whose predominant characteristics evince an aptitude for a low order of living." Anyone who, like me, has a morbid fascination with deliberately forgotten corners of history and wrongheaded, outdated belief systems like W.H. Thomas' will wish that Kennedy had expanded these chapters, perhaps into their own jaw-dropping, crazy book.
Instead, Kennedy devotes a lengthy chapter to a contemporary Thomas—Supreme Court justice Clarence, that is—whom the author describes as "the most vilified black official in the history of the United States."

Let's just say that Randy (a dear friend and mentor), has a problem with group think.

I wonder which member of the Black Politburo will be first to ex-communicate him (anew. He's nomore beloved than I among Negroes) for daring to discuss the black forebears who were not exactly NAACP material back in the day, like the Stono folks. Like Kennedy, I reject black America's rejection of Justice Thomas and not because I like his politics - because I don't - but because he has a right to hold whatever views he chooses without fear of having his ghetto pass revoked. There is no such thing as "the black" opinion; to argue otherwise is to be racist. Also check out Slate's review. It's also running a three-part excerpt of The Race Card: How Bluffing About Bias Makes Race Relations Worse. Trouble is, I'm not sure that those who get it need these books while those who don't will never read it, though they'll denounce it thoroughly as—guess what—racist.

For all my annoyance with BH month (and Kwanzaa), it is a good way to remind ourselves of just how we got into this mess and it isn't because of the doings of Negroes. It's because of slavery and Jim Crow and racism. White racism. Here's the book I'll be buying first this BH season: The Slave Ship. Commendable, necessary, as it has been to take the macro view of slavery as commerce and politics, it's been misused by apologists to soft-focus the horror on the micro level. It's important to remember that slavery demeaned all involved, but it's equally important to face how clearly an atrocity the commerce of slavery—in particular, the slave ship itself—was on its face at the time.

The Slave Ship [by Marcus Rediker] opens with an extensive and unforgettable inventory of the trade's particular horrors. There are the accused conspirators in a failed slave ship revolt forced by their captors to eat the hearts and livers of the recently executed. A captive starves himself to death after several unsuccessful attempts to rip open his throat with his fingernails. A black sailor accused of fomenting an insurrection gets pinned to the mast by the ship's captain, who leaves him to rot to death without food or water over the course of three weeks. Sharks trail slave ships from one edge of the Atlantic to the other, overgrown by the time they reach Jamaica from feeding on human carcasses tossed overboard en route. Captains embrace the spectacle of grisly executions with devilish glee. The desecration of human bodies becomes at once efficient, whimsical and sadistic. A London merchant orders the captain of his ship to brand each captive with the first initials of his wife's and daughter's names. One master lowers a shrieking woman feet first into the Atlantic; when "she was drawn up" moments later, according to Rediker, "it was found that a shark...had bit her off from the middle." The Atlantic slave trade has been the subject of rigorous historical study for more than four decades, but no previous work comes as close to conveying its terror.
Rediker describes The Slave Ship as a "human history." By this he means, in the first place, that there are people in the story--not aggregates, not statistics, not categories, but individuals. His approach stands in sharp contrast to the mode of analysis that has dominated the study of the Atlantic slave trade since the late 1960s, when historians began to seek reliable numbers--the number of captives shipped from Africa, mortality rates in the middle passage, sex ratios on board slave ships, average rates of profit, the relative importance of specific ports of embarkation in Africa and arrival in the Americas.

It's the people, stupid. Rediker keeps his focus on the ships; we don't learn where the captives came from or where they go. Good, I think. No ships, no worldwide slavery.

If the sufferings of Africans bore you, read the review to see its effect on the white sailors involved. Needless to say, the enormous lucre of the trade largely bypassed the average swabbie. Sailors were gang-pressed into service and often died in Africa of various diseases. If they survived that, they died in larger numbers at sea than did the captives due to brutal working conditions. If they survived their maimings but couldn't work, they were dumped at ports all over the Americas, often to be nursed and given proper burials by the only people who'd bother - slaves. Still, if you didn't die, you could rape the females - who endured a special hell and evinced a special bravery and cunning at sea—at will. Indeed, that was the main inducement for many sailors.

So, it's easy to scoff at Black History Month. Until you read a book. Remember, it took y'all since 1619 to make us this crazy. We didn't start the fire.






Comments

While many people feel Guantanamo, the secretive prisons, torture of people rendered to other countries because they do torture and all of the other war crimes being committed by this administration against individuals, citizens or not, are horrific, they pale in comparison to the slave ships and slavery in general back then and today. Corporations in existence today who made their fortunes back then connected to the slave trade, and political parties which hamper the full reparations and reintegration back into society should have their names published upon a list to be shunned. Personally, I'd prefer their fortunes to be hunted down even to today's shareholders and confiscation performed. Their combined fortunes should be delivered to the heirs of those forced to undergo the brutalities and murder of slavery. If this is done, others would take note that enslavement over whatever period of any individual will cost them whatever profit they may make today, and then some even down through generations. While this would seem extreme, consider that the wealthy make sure debt is passed down through generations upon the poor, enslaving them through generations in many parts of the world. The wealthy see nothing wrong with this. Of course, they would object to a fair and just adjustment which might place them in the same predicament as inflicted upon those they enslaved.
The part of me born into Southern whitehood never took because as a child I saw people for their humanity, not the color of their skin. I saw cultures as different, not good or bad. I saw purposeful wounding of another either socially or physically as wrong. Love was good, no matter where it came from or the color of anyones skin who showed it. I stood up as soon as I could to intolerance and injustices. While I was spared the harshness of retaliations metered out to nonwhites, that is not to say my actions didn't draw a response from those in power.
Inside of my genetic family today, there exists this "fear" of retaliation and racism. And, while I left as soon as possible, only a return visit need remind me of the societal scarring and open wounds left in the wake of slavery.
Denial of whites that they "have a problem" halts their being able to address other's humanness. Lessening or keeping a full education from others because of cultural or skin color says more about your fear than about their capabilities. What can it say about them? Well, just the fact that they don't get organized and arm themselves, and attack you for denial of basic things you take for granted says quite a lot about their character and perseverance.
Any people hate generational debt. When you combine that with a certain race and a particular country, or even a sector of a country, it is amplified because those owed and those that owe see each other all of the time. In Georgia, there are still "white towns and black towns" in the back waters of the state. The same is true for other southern states. When public schools were forced to integrate, whites sent their kids to religious schools and charter schools instead of seeing that the public schools served all equally. Education funding went down through state government still controlled by the whites. The political party of Lincoln, sinking in popularity, appealed to these types of white people who went to church and set up their "religious schools" to escape the changes to the Law. Now, they occupy the federal government and have taken the white sheet of conservativism to cover up and serve as a cloak of respectablilty. They are still the fear mongering, corrupt politicians of the past who wore the cloak of the Democrates who dominate the South. They are still the people who make sure that people of color don't get to vote or the votes are never counted.
Until the debt is paid, the playing field is not level. The white fear is that if impoverishment comes to them if the debt is paid, those holding the upper hand will not be fair.
First of all, there are many kinds of debts. Let's look at social debt. If you are a white person, how do you treat a person that's nonwhite? Why can't you treat them as you would another white person? Can't you understand that showing kindness and fairness to all elevates you in the eyes of all? You profit socially. Those that you treat in this manner will take you as an individual instead of just another "white" person. And, if you make this the acceptable manner of other white friends, you go the distance of paying a debt owed. Just this step takes courage.

Posted by: J. Coleman on 01/22/08 at 7:54 AM  Respond

Don't blame the "white" population for the sins of a few wealthy whites back then, or the sins of a few wealthy whites (and non-whites) now. Place the blame on those who participated. My ancestors were still in Austria-Hungary until after 1910, so were not likely to be culpable for the slavery outrage. They were lower-class peasants, and emigrated to escape conditions that, while not as bad as slavery, were no picnic either. They worked their way up the scale to where I am able to live a decent life (far from wealthy, but not in poverty, either) in spite of the inequities of the economic system. I would like to get some of the wealth of the oppressors passed around to me, as well as those whose ancestors suffered much worse than mine did, but I am not going to cry because it won't happen.

Posted by: Bill G on 01/22/08 at 9:14 AM  Respond

Dr. Raphael discusses the central role of the Jews in the New World commerce and the African slave trade. The following passages are from Rabbi Marc Lee Raphael's book Jews and Judaism in the United States , pp. 14, 23-25.
"Jews also took an active part in the Dutch colonial slave trade; indeed, the bylaws of the Recife and Mauricia congregations (1648) included an imposta (Jewish tax) of five soldos for each Negro slave a Brazilian Jew purchased from the West Indies Company. Slave auctions were postponed if they fell on a Jewish holiday. In Curacao in the seventeenth century, as well as in the British colonies of Barbados and Jamaica in the eighteenth century, Jewish merchants played a major role in the slave trade. In fact, in all the American colonies, whether French (Martinique), British, or Dutch, Jewish merchants frequently dominated.”

"This was no less true on the North American mainland, where during the eighteenth century Jews participated in the 'triangular trade' that brought slaves from Africa to the West Indies and there exchanged them for molasses, which in turn was taken to New England and converted into rum for sale in Africa. Isaac Da Costa of Charleston in the 1750's, David Franks of Philadelphia in the 1760's, and Aaron Lopez of Newport in the late 1760's and early 1770's dominated Jewish slave trading on the American continent." E.g. Judah P. Benjamin - Secretary of State - US Confederacy

Posted by: Latasha Johnson on 01/22/08 at 11:58 AM  Respond

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