NATO's ongoing, massive bombing of Yugoslavia has not established its goals, either to bring Milosevic to the negotiating table or to stop the violence against the Kosovar civilian population. Rather, it has all but destroyed the one force that could have accomplished both: the democratic opposition to Milosevic inside Serbia.
The rain of bombs has dramatically intensified the violence against Albanians in Kosovo. More than one million Kosovars have been terrorized and forced from their homes. Many have been murdered. In addition, NATO's increasingly violent intervention is predictably driving millions of Serbs -- including those who opposed Milosevic's dictatorial and nationalistic policies just months ago -- to rally behind their flag and government.
In Montenegro, one of Yugoslavia's two republics (the other being Serbia), the democratically elected government attempts to distance itself from President Milosevic and forge a more democratic and peaceful future for its people. But that government is in danger of falling if the war continues much longer.
Behind the killing that destroys humanity and hardens hearts, the overwhelming majority of people in Yugoslavia and Kosovo want something other than war and oppression. In Serbia, Kosovo, and Montenegro, they simply want the opportunity to join Europe, live with dignity, and raise their children without fear of violence. They don't want bombs, economic sanctions, restrictions on travel and trade, or dictatorship. It is clear that these punitive methods -- or "sticks" -- the international community has employed are not working to restore peace and justice in Yugoslavia. It's time to try the carrot.
Certainly we can achieve what former Russian President Michael Gorbachev called the "Europeanization of the Balkans rather than the Balkanization of Europe."
But there is a way to satisfy all parties and to stop the violence. It isn't easy and it isn't simple, but it could help build the foundation for a lasting peace.
Yugoslavia, for its part, could grant Kosovo independence. This would include international safeguards for all the sacred sites in Kosovo, including the monasteries and the revered battlefield of Kosovo Polje (where the Serbs were defeated by the Turks in 1389), and human rights guarantees for all peoples in the province. At the same time, Yugoslavia could be invited into the European community.
In response to withdrawing all Yugoslavian military, police and paramilitary personnel and equipment from Kosovo, Kosovo would agree to be a demilitarized state with no military presence -- neither armed Kosovo Liberation Army, nor NATO, nor Yugoslav troops, police, or paramilitary groups.
Instead, thousands of international civilian peace monitors from the United Nations or the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE), trained in peacemaking, civilian relationship-building, and community development, would monitor these agreements and assure that refugees could return safely. These peace monitors would be resources for building a civil society with institutions based on the rights and needs of all, regardless of ethnicity, in an independent Kosovo.
The United States and the international community would end all sanctions against Yugoslavia and renew full diplomatic relations, while also opening diplomatic relations with Kosovo.
The West would begin an updated version of the Marshall Plan to help rebuild Yugoslavia and Kosovo, focusing on renewing the infrastructure of these societies. The cost? A lot smaller than war. And international Peace Corps volunteers could play an important role in this rebuilding.
The world could also support the Yugoslav and Kosovar people in strengthening non-governmental institutions and an independent media as important building blocks for a democratic society.
In the matter of war crimes against humanity, the International Court in the Hague could try the accused, regardless of rank or nationality. Yet another mechanism could be far more effective at healing the aching wounds and building a stable peace: national truth-and-reconciliation commissions for each region, on the model already proven successful in South Africa and Guatemala. Non-governmental organizations (NGOs) skilled in postwar reconciliation could be supportive in both regions. Some are already proving themselves in other parts of the former Yugoslavia, emphasizing interregional healing and working with young people to build their common future.
Naturally, a period of time would be needed to establish an international protectorate under the United Nations, while civilian observers and peacemakers helped facilitate the renewal of entire communities. An international peacekeeping force -- not NATO -- could verify an end to hostilities, the return of refugees, and human rights. The carrot would be an attraction and a beacon, if not to President Milosevic, then at least to the people of Yugoslavia and Kosovo. Instead of driving Yugoslavians by the thousands into the arms of Milosevic, this positive policy would help the people seize a living alternative to war.
The 1.5 million Serbs who demonstrated against Milosevic in the winter of 1996 and 1997 could again raise their voices in their longing for a future that worked for the good of all.
The carrot approach requires communication and education, including international radio and television support; state-controlled Yugoslav media cooperation is unlikely. NATO might consider dropping millions of educational leaflets from the air instead of bombs.
If Kosovo and Yugoslavia joined Europe, boundaries would make less of a difference. There would be freer travel, trade, and cultural interaction between Kosovo and Yugoslavia, and throughout the continent. I have been in Kosovo. Today, negotiations with United Nations and Russian participation should begin immediately to move the peace process forward. Tomorrow, carrots such as those offered above are what is needed to inspire people to build a common future for themselves, in which everyone wins. 
