Carne Ross: Our Diplomatic Deficit

CR: Of course we have to play by the rules of the existing game. Until the rules are changed we have no choice. Our work is to explain the rules of the game to our clients who are often intimidated or excluded or just don't understand the way that it's played. That's the value and the contribution that Independent Diplomat can make, but there's no doubt that my long-term ambition is to see the system changed. Quite how that will happen I don't know. It's not in my hands. However, I think that the mere existence Independent Diplomat indicates that the system as it is currently constituted is not fair and it is not working effectively.

MJ: How many clients do you have at the moment?

CR: We have five now: Kosovo, Croatia, Turkish Cyprus, Somaliland, and the Polisario movement of the Western Sahara.

MJ: I realize it's early in the game, but can you point to any obvious successes you've had with your clients, or alternatively, the biggest challenges you face in working with them?

CR: The biggest challenge is simply the way that the powerful defend what they think are their interests. Powerful countries tend to try and control decision-making little realizing that in the long-run by excluding people they will inevitably face problems and their decisions will not be sustainable. You can't change the nature of power. I do think we make a difference for our clients, though, not least because we've enabled them to understand the system from the perspective of people who were very much inside the box. We are experienced former diplomats who've usually worked for powerful countries. It's kind of like gamekeeper turned poacher, and I think we make a difference for our clients in that respect.

MJ: Are there any governments you would not work for?

CR: Yes, there are many governments we would not work for. We will only help those who are committed to democracy, human rights, and international law.

MJ: Would you ever work for a country that was engaged in a shooting war?

CR: It wholly depends. We don't necessarily rule out helping people engaged in conflict. Our work is primarily focused on conflict areas because we believe that conflict or tension can be reduced if people have access to good diplomacy. If they're able to articulate their needs in the world's diplomatic system, that in itself contributes to a reduction in tension.

MJ: When I learned of Independent Diplomat, one of the parallels that immediately occurred to me was the privatization in military services. It seemed like just another in the long list of things that have traditionally been the sole domain of nation states, but which are now increasingly in the hands of private industry. Is there any cause for concern here, and how do you see yourself fitting within that framework?

CR: I do think that there is a proliferation of private groups involved in not only diplomacy but also military operations: the sorts of things that governments used to preserve just for themselves. I would make a very clear distinction between Independent Diplomat and the private military industry in that we operate along very clear ethical criteria. We only help the disadvantaged. But, of course, there could easily be another private diplomatic organization that did not operate by those criteria, that merely worked for the highest bidder. Indeed, there are commercial companies out there—PR companies, law firms—that will effectively do diplomacy for money. They will help clients draft treaties, they will help them improve their PR image, things like that, without regard to the ethical record of their clients. I don't celebrate this development, but I think it is the way things are going. I personally would like to see a lot more activity by individuals and NGOs to try and break through the walls of traditional diplomacy. I don't think in my experience that governments have done a particularly good job, and I'm not sure that I regard it as wholly a bad thing that they are losing some of their sovereignty in this area.

MJ: What specifically are the services that you provide? I got the impression from your book that you would prefer people from these underrepresented areas to represent themselves. Are you generally instructing them in the mechanics of how to do that: writing speeches, negotiating strategies, working with the media? Or are you involved with setting their policy goals?

CR: No, we believe very strongly that the goals of policy are for them to decide. We merely help advise them on how to reach those goals. We're not one of these NGOs that go around telling our clients what they should want. What we do is explain the often obscure architecture of international diplomacy, giving them advice about how to engage with that architecture, how to craft their message, whom to lobby, what messages to develop, what techniques to use—practical and strategic advice.

MJ: You spent the first part of your career with the British government, enjoying the perks of your association with a powerful country and the benefits of a system that was structured to enhance and maintain that power. What has it been like for you personally to sit on the other side of the table?

CR: Well, the first couple of years were very hard. I felt lost without my identity as a British diplomat. But now I find it very enjoyable, if extremely challenging, working on behalf of our clients. The best thing about it is learning about the way they see the world which is invariably very different from the way I used to see the world as a British diplomat. That's always refreshing. And there is a degree of candor and honesty in these relationships that I never enjoyed as a British diplomat. Being a British diplomat, you were always treated as a British diplomat. People said to you things that they wanted the British government to hear. Now I have a much more intimate and open relationship with the countries we work with, which is very rewarding. All that said, it is still really difficult working with relatively less powerful countries and governments. The sorts of things that you could do as a British official—like take your concerns to Washington or to the U.N. Security Council—are simply not an option to the vast majority of other countries' governments and peoples. So, you have to think of something else. There's a constant challenge to be creative, to make the most of what little power our clients have.

MJ: How hopeful are you that this "diplomatic deficit" can be closed?

CR: In terms of information and the transparency of the system, I'm very optimistic. I think the system is becoming more transparent. There are more NGOs opening up the system, providing information about it. The Internet has provided a lot of high-quality information that was hitherto hard to get hold of, although you still have to know where to look. In that sense, I think things are better. Also, I think globally there is a less deferential culture towards political elites than there used to be. But in terms of changing the architecture, the fundamental sort of underlying system of power, I'm not optimistic at all. I think those who have power use it in an extremely shortsighted and often foolish way, which exacerbates rather than solves our problems. I'm not confident that newer, younger generations of leaders will learn these lessons. I don't believe automatically in progress. I think each generation may bring its own stupidities and prejudices.

MJ: Well, on that hopeful note…

CR: It's not a very optimistic note on which to end. I do find encouragement in things like Live 8 and LiveEarth and things like that. On the other hand, I think these things are often easy for politicians to exploit or ignore, and those politicians often work on very narrow and self-interested criteria of decision-making. Rare is the politician or leader who has a truly global perspective. The truth is, we have global problems, and our politicians are national and short-term. Until that basic equation alters, I think we will continue to have problems.