Medicaid Expansion May Turn Out to Be an Offer States Can’t Refuse

Fight disinformation: Sign up for the free Mother Jones Daily newsletter and follow the news that matters.

Should states sign up for Obamacare’s expansion of Medicaid, even though the Supreme Court says they don’t have to? The answer depends a lot on how much it will cost them. On the downside, states would have to pay part of the cost of covering new enrollees. On the upside, they’d save some money because Medicaid would start covering some indigent medical expenses that states are currently on the hook for. This is all pretty obvious, but it’s also pretty vague. We need hard numbers. Will new costs outweigh new expenses? Or vice versa?

This requires a more detailed accounting, and we don’t have that yet. Today, though, Sarah Kliff reports that Arkansas has taken a first cut at estimating both the costs and savings of signing up for the expansion. They figure that in 2015 the new law would cost them $42 million and save them $131 million. So it’s a clear winner. But that’s because the federal government picks up 100% of the tab for expansion during the first three years. That declines to 90% by 2020, and Arkansas figures that by 2021 the expansion of Medicaid would cost them $3.4 million per year.

Now, that’s $3.4 million out of a $4 billion Medicaid budget, of which Arkansas pays $750 million. So it’s not a lot of money, especially considering the number of people it would help.

Politically, though, it sets up an interesting dynamic. A lot of states, especially in the South, are resisting the Medicaid expansion. It’s going to be tough for them to stick to their guns, however, because there are a lot of interest groups (for example, hospitals who are losing funding for indigent care and desperately need the new Medicaid dollars) who are going to be pushing hard to accept the expansion. But if the Arkansas analysis turns out to be broadly true for other states, it’s going to be even harder to resist than we think. How many legislatures will turn down a badly-needed federal funding windfall during tough times if the only downside is a minuscule cost six years down the road? Some, I suppose, but probably not too many.

Arkansas may be a special case, since its share of Medicaid expenses is one of the lowest in the nation (only Mississippi and West Virginia pay a smaller percentage of their Medicaid bills). States with higher expense levels might not do as well. It’s also worth keeping in mind that this is just a first-cut estimate. Things might change in either direction as we get a better handle on all the details. So take it all with a grain of salt.

Still, it’s encouraging. If other Southern states, most of which also pay a very small share of their Medicaid expenses, come to the same conclusion, Obamacare’s Medicaid expansion may turn out to be an offer they can’t refuse after all.

WHO DOESN’T LOVE A POSITIVE STORY—OR TWO?

“Great journalism really does make a difference in this world: it can even save kids.”

That’s what a civil rights lawyer wrote to Julia Lurie, the day after her major investigation into a psychiatric hospital chain that uses foster children as “cash cows” published, letting her know he was using her findings that same day in a hearing to keep a child out of one of the facilities we investigated.

That’s awesome. As is the fact that Julia, who spent a full year reporting this challenging story, promptly heard from a Senate committee that will use her work in their own investigation of Universal Health Services. There’s no doubt her revelations will continue to have a big impact in the months and years to come.

Like another story about Mother Jones’ real-world impact.

This one, a multiyear investigation, published in 2021, exposed conditions in sugar work camps in the Dominican Republic owned by Central Romana—the conglomerate behind brands like C&H and Domino, whose product ends up in our Hershey bars and other sweets. A year ago, the Biden administration banned sugar imports from Central Romana. And just recently, we learned of a previously undisclosed investigation from the Department of Homeland Security, looking into working conditions at Central Romana. How big of a deal is this?

“This could be the first time a corporation would be held criminally liable for forced labor in their own supply chains,” according to a retired special agent we talked to.

Wow.

And it is only because Mother Jones is funded primarily by donations from readers that we can mount ambitious, yearlong—or more—investigations like these two stories that are making waves.

About that: It’s unfathomably hard in the news business right now, and we came up about $28,000 short during our recent fall fundraising campaign. We simply have to make that up soon to avoid falling further behind than can be made up for, or needing to somehow trim $1 million from our budget, like happened last year.

If you can, please support the reporting you get from Mother Jones—that exists to make a difference, not a profit—with a donation of any amount today. We need more donations than normal to come in from this specific blurb to help close our funding gap before it gets any bigger.

payment methods

WHO DOESN’T LOVE A POSITIVE STORY—OR TWO?

“Great journalism really does make a difference in this world: it can even save kids.”

That’s what a civil rights lawyer wrote to Julia Lurie, the day after her major investigation into a psychiatric hospital chain that uses foster children as “cash cows” published, letting her know he was using her findings that same day in a hearing to keep a child out of one of the facilities we investigated.

That’s awesome. As is the fact that Julia, who spent a full year reporting this challenging story, promptly heard from a Senate committee that will use her work in their own investigation of Universal Health Services. There’s no doubt her revelations will continue to have a big impact in the months and years to come.

Like another story about Mother Jones’ real-world impact.

This one, a multiyear investigation, published in 2021, exposed conditions in sugar work camps in the Dominican Republic owned by Central Romana—the conglomerate behind brands like C&H and Domino, whose product ends up in our Hershey bars and other sweets. A year ago, the Biden administration banned sugar imports from Central Romana. And just recently, we learned of a previously undisclosed investigation from the Department of Homeland Security, looking into working conditions at Central Romana. How big of a deal is this?

“This could be the first time a corporation would be held criminally liable for forced labor in their own supply chains,” according to a retired special agent we talked to.

Wow.

And it is only because Mother Jones is funded primarily by donations from readers that we can mount ambitious, yearlong—or more—investigations like these two stories that are making waves.

About that: It’s unfathomably hard in the news business right now, and we came up about $28,000 short during our recent fall fundraising campaign. We simply have to make that up soon to avoid falling further behind than can be made up for, or needing to somehow trim $1 million from our budget, like happened last year.

If you can, please support the reporting you get from Mother Jones—that exists to make a difference, not a profit—with a donation of any amount today. We need more donations than normal to come in from this specific blurb to help close our funding gap before it gets any bigger.

payment methods

We Recommend

Latest

Sign up for our free newsletter

Subscribe to the Mother Jones Daily to have our top stories delivered directly to your inbox.

Get our award-winning magazine

Save big on a full year of investigations, ideas, and insights.

Subscribe

Support our journalism

Help Mother Jones' reporters dig deep with a tax-deductible donation.

Donate