Cheep Labor

Programs place Americans low in the pecking order

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WANTED: Chick sexers. U.S. hatcheries seek applicants able to sort by sex several thousand chicks an hour. Superb hand-eye coordination a must. Pay starts at $5 an hour. Oh yeah, and one last thing: Only foreigners–preferably Asians–need apply.

Why Asians? Because the contractors who supply hatcheries with chick-sexing services claim only Asians have the physical dexterity and small hands needed to feel a chick’s tiny sexual organs and determine whether they’re male or female.

It’s one of hundreds of examples from two little-publicized Labor Department programs that U.S. companies have used to pass over American workers in favor of more than 1 million noncitizen workers since 1992.

The Permanent Alien Certification program, created in 1967, extends long-term residency to alien workers when “there are not sufficient United States workers who are able, willing, qualified, and available for the employment.” The temporary H-1B visa program, created in 1990, authorizes only six years of residency, but does not require employers to seek U.S. workers first. According to research from documents obtained through a Freedom of Information Act request, nearly all applicants to the programs are approved.

In early 1995, the New Jersey-based insurance company American International Group asked 250 of its computer programmers to train contract workers from India who obtained temporary visas through Syntel Co., a Troy, Mich., computer consulting company. Without warning, AIG then laid off all of its programmers and hired the newly trained Indians, who were paid substantially less. (At least in this case, the plan partially backfired: The Labor Department forced Syntel to cough up $78,000 in back wages to the Indian replacements.)

Other employers who claim they can’t find qualified American workers include Burger King, Dunkin’ Donuts, Hardee’s, and Pizza Hut. Turner Primrose, a lawyer for Hardee’s, says there is often no choice but to hire foreign workers for jobs, such as flipping burgers, that pay the lowest wages. Sometimes, Primrose says, “You can’t get somebody–you just can’t–then you need to hire a foreign student.”

Labor Secretary Robert Reich warns that these visa programs hammer away at the U.S. job market because foreign employees will work for substantially lower wages. As a result, he told a Senate subcommittee last year, the programs displace U.S. workers and can eventually erode employers’ commitment to the domestic workforce. (The programs also cost about $60 million a year to administer.)

But it’s not surprising that Congress ignores Reich. The Labor Department programs count the National Association of Manufacturers (whose membership includes the Big Three automakers) among their supporters, as well as technology titan Microsoft, which hired a special lobbyist to work exclusively on this issue.

Besides, the government itself has developed a fondness for the temporary visa program. In the past four years, the Agriculture Department used it to hire an electronics engineer and a chemist; the Food and Drug Administration got a pathologist; the Federal National Mortgage Association a management analyst; and the Commerce Department a theoretical physicist.

And then there’s the Department of Health and Human Services, which recently filled a position some would argue could easily have gone to a U.S. worker who is “able, willing, qualified, and available.” It hired a foreign lawyer.

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That’s what a civil rights lawyer wrote to Julia Lurie, the day after her major investigation into a psychiatric hospital chain that uses foster children as “cash cows” published, letting her know he was using her findings that same day in a hearing to keep a child out of one of the facilities we investigated.

That’s awesome. As is the fact that Julia, who spent a full year reporting this challenging story, promptly heard from a Senate committee that will use her work in their own investigation of Universal Health Services. There’s no doubt her revelations will continue to have a big impact in the months and years to come.

Like another story about Mother Jones’ real-world impact.

This one, a multiyear investigation, published in 2021, exposed conditions in sugar work camps in the Dominican Republic owned by Central Romana—the conglomerate behind brands like C&H and Domino, whose product ends up in our Hershey bars and other sweets. A year ago, the Biden administration banned sugar imports from Central Romana. And just recently, we learned of a previously undisclosed investigation from the Department of Homeland Security, looking into working conditions at Central Romana. How big of a deal is this?

“This could be the first time a corporation would be held criminally liable for forced labor in their own supply chains,” according to a retired special agent we talked to.

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And it is only because Mother Jones is funded primarily by donations from readers that we can mount ambitious, yearlong—or more—investigations like these two stories that are making waves.

About that: It’s unfathomably hard in the news business right now, and we came up about $28,000 short during our recent fall fundraising campaign. We simply have to make that up soon to avoid falling further behind than can be made up for, or needing to somehow trim $1 million from our budget, like happened last year.

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WHO DOESN’T LOVE A POSITIVE STORY—OR TWO?

“Great journalism really does make a difference in this world: it can even save kids.”

That’s what a civil rights lawyer wrote to Julia Lurie, the day after her major investigation into a psychiatric hospital chain that uses foster children as “cash cows” published, letting her know he was using her findings that same day in a hearing to keep a child out of one of the facilities we investigated.

That’s awesome. As is the fact that Julia, who spent a full year reporting this challenging story, promptly heard from a Senate committee that will use her work in their own investigation of Universal Health Services. There’s no doubt her revelations will continue to have a big impact in the months and years to come.

Like another story about Mother Jones’ real-world impact.

This one, a multiyear investigation, published in 2021, exposed conditions in sugar work camps in the Dominican Republic owned by Central Romana—the conglomerate behind brands like C&H and Domino, whose product ends up in our Hershey bars and other sweets. A year ago, the Biden administration banned sugar imports from Central Romana. And just recently, we learned of a previously undisclosed investigation from the Department of Homeland Security, looking into working conditions at Central Romana. How big of a deal is this?

“This could be the first time a corporation would be held criminally liable for forced labor in their own supply chains,” according to a retired special agent we talked to.

Wow.

And it is only because Mother Jones is funded primarily by donations from readers that we can mount ambitious, yearlong—or more—investigations like these two stories that are making waves.

About that: It’s unfathomably hard in the news business right now, and we came up about $28,000 short during our recent fall fundraising campaign. We simply have to make that up soon to avoid falling further behind than can be made up for, or needing to somehow trim $1 million from our budget, like happened last year.

If you can, please support the reporting you get from Mother Jones—that exists to make a difference, not a profit—with a donation of any amount today. We need more donations than normal to come in from this specific blurb to help close our funding gap before it gets any bigger.

payment methods

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