Fife’s Sweetheart Deal

Arizona Gov. Fife Symington loaned himself $30 million of other people’s money.

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In 1983, Fife Symington was a land developer hoping to build a major residential and commercial complex in Phoenix called Camelback Esplanade. Providentially, Symington was also on the board of directors of Southwest Savings and Loan, a Phoenix thrift.

Southwest lent Symington $30 million to build Camelback, making the loan despite Symington’s position as one of the thrift’s directors and even though the property had not been appraised–both serious violations of federal regulations.

Southwest’s $30 million investment provided virtually all the funding for Camelback; in return, Southwest received a 50 percent share in the project. Symington, meanwhile, received a 19 percent share for a reported investment of $432.

Southwest also arranged to pay Symington 5 percent of all development costs, which meant that the more expensive Camelback Esplanade got, the more money Symington made, even if he never built anything. Symington hired more and more consultants, paid them more and more money, and produced no practical result.

In the end, Symington walked off with $8 million; Southwest, on the other hand, lost $52 million, according to government documents. In 1989, Southwest failed, costing taxpayers $941 million.

Symington is now the governor of Arizona. In 1991, he was sued by the Resolution Trust Corp., but the suit was dropped in 1994. The Justice Department is currently investigating him for negligence. In September 1995, he declared bankruptcy. No one knows what happened to the $8 million in federally insured funds he took from Southwest.

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WHO DOESN’T LOVE A POSITIVE STORY—OR TWO?

“Great journalism really does make a difference in this world: it can even save kids.”

That’s what a civil rights lawyer wrote to Julia Lurie, the day after her major investigation into a psychiatric hospital chain that uses foster children as “cash cows” published, letting her know he was using her findings that same day in a hearing to keep a child out of one of the facilities we investigated.

That’s awesome. As is the fact that Julia, who spent a full year reporting this challenging story, promptly heard from a Senate committee that will use her work in their own investigation of Universal Health Services. There’s no doubt her revelations will continue to have a big impact in the months and years to come.

Like another story about Mother Jones’ real-world impact.

This one, a multiyear investigation, published in 2021, exposed conditions in sugar work camps in the Dominican Republic owned by Central Romana—the conglomerate behind brands like C&H and Domino, whose product ends up in our Hershey bars and other sweets. A year ago, the Biden administration banned sugar imports from Central Romana. And just recently, we learned of a previously undisclosed investigation from the Department of Homeland Security, looking into working conditions at Central Romana. How big of a deal is this?

“This could be the first time a corporation would be held criminally liable for forced labor in their own supply chains,” according to a retired special agent we talked to.

Wow.

And it is only because Mother Jones is funded primarily by donations from readers that we can mount ambitious, yearlong—or more—investigations like these two stories that are making waves.

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