Rebel Republican

Her politics are far-right, but she’s serious about campaign finance reform.

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On parade days in southwest Washington state, a van crowned by a giant bucket overflowing with suds of blue and white balloons joins a drill team of retired women in cleaning attire. Together they enjoin the crowd to clean up Congress. Welcome to Linda Smith’s (R-Wash.) neighborhood.

Smith shot into Congress in 1994 on the strength of a two-week write-in primary campaign, followed by a general campaign that unseated a three-term liberal Democrat. The Christian Coalition, rapidly gaining strength in the suburbs around Olympia, threw its weight behind Smith, championing her anti-gay, anti-tax, and anti-abortion views.

In the 104th Congress, she has voted 92 percent of the time with House Majority Leader Dick Armey, including votes to carve into Medicare, lower the earned-income tax credit, and give states sole control over whether to fund abortions.

But Smith’s first term will be best known for her advocacy of one issue: campaign finance reform. “These old guys [in D.C.] are taking half a million dollars and then rushing off to vote,” Smith told Mother Jones. “I challenge those guys to escape from the Washington fundraising culture.”

That kind of talk, and the finance reform bill she tried to push through Congress, won Smith the support of such unlikely cohorts as United We Stand America, Common Cause, and Public Citizen.

Smith decided to push for campaign reform after last year’s vote to continue various tobacco subsidies. “I saw the American people’s values go up in smoke,” Smith says. “I saw you had to do radical surgery, stopping the flow of money.”

Smith quit taking PAC money in mid-1995. (Her donors, including such groups as Boeing and the National Association of Home Builders, had given her a total of $20,400.) So far in this election cycle she has raised some $400,000 — almost $300,000 of it in individual contributions of less than $200 each.

Smith remains solid in her Democratic district, and says her stand on campaign finance is the reason. “People read that I don’t take PAC money, and they know I need them. And so they come to the fundraisers and the kazoo band concerts, and they help me.”

That doesn’t include the Republican leadership, many of whom Smith has rankled. Understandable, considering House Speaker Newt Gingrich has often argued that there ought to be more money in campaigns, not less. “With my numbers in a Democratic district, they have no reason to work against me,” says Smith. “But they’re not putting out an effort to help me — and I haven’t asked either.”

WE CAME UP SHORT.

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WE CAME UP SHORT.

We just wrapped up a shorter-than-normal, urgent-as-ever fundraising drive and we came up about $45,000 short of our $300,000 goal.

That means we're going to have upwards of $350,000, maybe more, to raise in online donations between now and June 30, when our fiscal year ends and we have to get to break-even. And even though there's zero cushion to miss the mark, we won't be all that in your face about our fundraising again until June.

So we urgently need this specific ask, what you're reading right now, to start bringing in more donations than it ever has. The reality, for these next few months and next few years, is that we have to start finding ways to grow our online supporter base in a big way—and we're optimistic we can keep making real headway by being real with you about this.

Because the bottom line: Corporations and powerful people with deep pockets will never sustain the type of journalism Mother Jones exists to do. The only investors who won’t let independent, investigative journalism down are the people who actually care about its future—you.

And we hope you might consider pitching in before moving on to whatever it is you're about to do next. We really need to see if we'll be able to raise more with this real estate on a daily basis than we have been, so we're hoping to see a promising start.

payment methods

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