Tobacco and Rupe

Secret documents show that Philip Morris loves Rupert Murdoch’s tobacco-friendly media. That might explain why he’s on their board.

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It’s hard to open a newspaper or switch on the TV news these days without getting an earful about “corporate synergy.” But when that synergy is between the tobacco industry and the media, don’t expect it to be front-page news.

A 1985 document unearthed in the Minnesota attorney general’s tobacco lawsuit shows how the lure of advertising revenue can compromise news coverage of tobacco issues. The paper, from the files of tobacco giant Philip Morris, is titled “The Perspective of PM International on Smoking and Health Issues: Text of the discussion document used at the meeting of top management.”

That “discussion document” is a memo from Hamish Maxwell, a former Philip Morris chief executive, which outlines a broad strategy to shape public opinion in the company’s favor. Maxwell urges that Philip Morris use its “very considerable clout with the media,” who “like the money they make from our advertisements.” He names Rupert Murdoch and Malcolm Forbes as media proprietors “sympathetic to our position.”

In an appendix to the memo, another Philip Morris executive emphasizes the point, using Murdoch as the model for tobacco-media relations: “Murdoch’s papers rarely publish anti-smoking articles these days.”

Ancient history? Well, Rupert Murdoch is now on the board of Philip Morris, where he has held a seat since 1989. Hamish Maxwell is no longer top dog at the company, but Geoffrey Bible is, and Bible was voted onto the board of Murdoch’s News Corporation on June 23 of this year — an event which received virtually no media coverage.

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WHO DOESN’T LOVE A POSITIVE STORY—OR TWO?

“Great journalism really does make a difference in this world: it can even save kids.”

That’s what a civil rights lawyer wrote to Julia Lurie, the day after her major investigation into a psychiatric hospital chain that uses foster children as “cash cows” published, letting her know he was using her findings that same day in a hearing to keep a child out of one of the facilities we investigated.

That’s awesome. As is the fact that Julia, who spent a full year reporting this challenging story, promptly heard from a Senate committee that will use her work in their own investigation of Universal Health Services. There’s no doubt her revelations will continue to have a big impact in the months and years to come.

Like another story about Mother Jones’ real-world impact.

This one, a multiyear investigation, published in 2021, exposed conditions in sugar work camps in the Dominican Republic owned by Central Romana—the conglomerate behind brands like C&H and Domino, whose product ends up in our Hershey bars and other sweets. A year ago, the Biden administration banned sugar imports from Central Romana. And just recently, we learned of a previously undisclosed investigation from the Department of Homeland Security, looking into working conditions at Central Romana. How big of a deal is this?

“This could be the first time a corporation would be held criminally liable for forced labor in their own supply chains,” according to a retired special agent we talked to.

Wow.

And it is only because Mother Jones is funded primarily by donations from readers that we can mount ambitious, yearlong—or more—investigations like these two stories that are making waves.

About that: It’s unfathomably hard in the news business right now, and we came up about $28,000 short during our recent fall fundraising campaign. We simply have to make that up soon to avoid falling further behind than can be made up for, or needing to somehow trim $1 million from our budget, like happened last year.

If you can, please support the reporting you get from Mother Jones—that exists to make a difference, not a profit—with a donation of any amount today. We need more donations than normal to come in from this specific blurb to help close our funding gap before it gets any bigger.

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