The War Away From Home

A new wrinkle for veterans of U.S. World War ll internment camps

Fight disinformation: Sign up for the free Mother Jones Daily newsletter and follow the news that matters.


In 1988, Congress tried to close one of the darker chapters in U.S. history by passing the Civil Liberties Act. The CLA entitles veterans of the World War II internment camp program — under which the government relocated and imprisoned 120,000 Japanese Americans for the duration of the war — to $20,000 in reparations and a letter of apology from the president. The law also gave camp veterans 10 years to apply for redress.

But the CLA failed to address a little-known fact: The U.S. secretly pressured 13 Latin American countries, including Peru and Panama, to deport 2,264 of their citizens of Japanese descent to the U.S. camps. When these Japanese Latin Americans tried to collect under the CLA, the U.S. told them they were ineligible because they had been in the U.S. during the war as “illegal aliens.”

In 1996, five Japanese Latin American camp veterans filed a class-action lawsuit, and last June, the U.S. agreed to a preliminary settlement under which Japanese Latin Americans would receive $5,000 and a letter of apology. “The issue in the case was whether the Japanese Latin Americans were included in the statute,” says Deputy Associate Attorney General Richard Jerome. “We took the position that they were not.”

Not all Japanese Latin Americans are happy with the deal. Many camp veterans say that in addition to offering less in compensation, the U.S. has stacked the deck against them when it comes to collecting their due.

While the Department of Justice opened a full-time CLA office on the West Coast, distributed information booklets in Japanese communities, and held more than 200 workshops nationwide to publicize the CLA to Japanese Americans, it has done comparatively little to contact their Latin American counterparts.

“The [U.S.] government refused to do anything more than the absolute minimum,” says Paul Mills, a lawyer for the plaintiffs in the class-action suit. “They certainly didn’t go looking for class members, or make their vast information-gathering resources available to us in order to find them on our own.”

The notification efforts were particularly crucial because, while the U.S. argued that the CLA didn’t apply to Japanese Latin Americans, it said the law’s August 10, 1998, deadline did, giving Latin American camp veterans just two months to make a claim. And people who missed the deadline not only missed their chance at payment — they lost their right to protest. In order to appeal the settlement, Japanese Latin Americans must file for redress, and then, in a separate form, opt out. Already, one of the five plaintiffs has done that, filing a lawsuit against the U.S. for breach of trust and initiating another asking for $10 million.

But in the end, all this may be moot. After the settlement becomes final at a November hearing, the U.S. intends to pay Japanese Latin Americans out of the CLA trust fund established in 1988. Since not all Japanese American applications have been processed, the $5.5 million left in the fund may not cover all eligible Japanese Latin Americans. The settlement specifies that Japanese Americans are entitled to redress first.

WHO DOESN’T LOVE A POSITIVE STORY—OR TWO?

“Great journalism really does make a difference in this world: it can even save kids.”

That’s what a civil rights lawyer wrote to Julia Lurie, the day after her major investigation into a psychiatric hospital chain that uses foster children as “cash cows” published, letting her know he was using her findings that same day in a hearing to keep a child out of one of the facilities we investigated.

That’s awesome. As is the fact that Julia, who spent a full year reporting this challenging story, promptly heard from a Senate committee that will use her work in their own investigation of Universal Health Services. There’s no doubt her revelations will continue to have a big impact in the months and years to come.

Like another story about Mother Jones’ real-world impact.

This one, a multiyear investigation, published in 2021, exposed conditions in sugar work camps in the Dominican Republic owned by Central Romana—the conglomerate behind brands like C&H and Domino, whose product ends up in our Hershey bars and other sweets. A year ago, the Biden administration banned sugar imports from Central Romana. And just recently, we learned of a previously undisclosed investigation from the Department of Homeland Security, looking into working conditions at Central Romana. How big of a deal is this?

“This could be the first time a corporation would be held criminally liable for forced labor in their own supply chains,” according to a retired special agent we talked to.

Wow.

And it is only because Mother Jones is funded primarily by donations from readers that we can mount ambitious, yearlong—or more—investigations like these two stories that are making waves.

About that: It’s unfathomably hard in the news business right now, and we came up about $28,000 short during our recent fall fundraising campaign. We simply have to make that up soon to avoid falling further behind than can be made up for, or needing to somehow trim $1 million from our budget, like happened last year.

If you can, please support the reporting you get from Mother Jones—that exists to make a difference, not a profit—with a donation of any amount today. We need more donations than normal to come in from this specific blurb to help close our funding gap before it gets any bigger.

payment methods

WHO DOESN’T LOVE A POSITIVE STORY—OR TWO?

“Great journalism really does make a difference in this world: it can even save kids.”

That’s what a civil rights lawyer wrote to Julia Lurie, the day after her major investigation into a psychiatric hospital chain that uses foster children as “cash cows” published, letting her know he was using her findings that same day in a hearing to keep a child out of one of the facilities we investigated.

That’s awesome. As is the fact that Julia, who spent a full year reporting this challenging story, promptly heard from a Senate committee that will use her work in their own investigation of Universal Health Services. There’s no doubt her revelations will continue to have a big impact in the months and years to come.

Like another story about Mother Jones’ real-world impact.

This one, a multiyear investigation, published in 2021, exposed conditions in sugar work camps in the Dominican Republic owned by Central Romana—the conglomerate behind brands like C&H and Domino, whose product ends up in our Hershey bars and other sweets. A year ago, the Biden administration banned sugar imports from Central Romana. And just recently, we learned of a previously undisclosed investigation from the Department of Homeland Security, looking into working conditions at Central Romana. How big of a deal is this?

“This could be the first time a corporation would be held criminally liable for forced labor in their own supply chains,” according to a retired special agent we talked to.

Wow.

And it is only because Mother Jones is funded primarily by donations from readers that we can mount ambitious, yearlong—or more—investigations like these two stories that are making waves.

About that: It’s unfathomably hard in the news business right now, and we came up about $28,000 short during our recent fall fundraising campaign. We simply have to make that up soon to avoid falling further behind than can be made up for, or needing to somehow trim $1 million from our budget, like happened last year.

If you can, please support the reporting you get from Mother Jones—that exists to make a difference, not a profit—with a donation of any amount today. We need more donations than normal to come in from this specific blurb to help close our funding gap before it gets any bigger.

payment methods

We Recommend

Latest

Sign up for our free newsletter

Subscribe to the Mother Jones Daily to have our top stories delivered directly to your inbox.

Get our award-winning magazine

Save big on a full year of investigations, ideas, and insights.

Subscribe

Support our journalism

Help Mother Jones' reporters dig deep with a tax-deductible donation.

Donate