Timeline: Big Pharma’s Fight to Protect the Drugs That Cooks Turn Into Meth

Box: <a href="http://www.flickr.com/photos/laurafries/61632567/sizes/m/in/photolist-6rTdt-8K7GFS-tq3vU-4oggzn-xDWaB-5rZU3R-yandg-DubsE-2mzvGx-8xjGx-6iwFdw-JPiT8-5WgcGe-7GbCdz-D3b81-4K6Z6n-azfrLa-7vxv1t-DP9pu-5NcMhv-wD95T-aua2xz-aNvkpD-5G7NbT-5pDo4V-4hRsUG-5VvdRi-qLMT8-5VHPsB-4rk8oN-723DAg-7oCGE8-DLFhQ-bWSx3Z-87Tyv-dSR7GH-aA9wyZ-asYD1p-2SSbm8-818BPD-8LYXcA-8Fyn35-8TWCnm-ggUrS-yxgyP-5NRkrK-9MGDaR-bXrNW9-5k2PhB-5LHBCZ-921met/">LauraFries.com</a>/Flickr; Pills: <a href="http://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Sudafed_Pills.jpg">ParentingPatch</a>/Wikimedia Commons; Chef: Shutterstock

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YEAR

LEGISLATIVE ACTION

REACTION

1980

The federal government tightens restrictions on phenyl-2-propanone, used to make methamphetamine.

Meth producers switch to ephedrine and pseudoephedrine, used in cold meds, to produce a more potent form of meth.

1986

Fresh from its, and so far only, victory against a drug—control of the chemical used to make quaaludes—the Drug Enforcement Administration proposes controls for ephedrine and pseudoephedrine.

Pharma lobbyist Allan Rexinger calls the White House, which “basically intervened on our behalf,” Rexinger tells the Oregonian in 2004. “After that we had useful negotiations with the dea.”

1988

The Federal Chemical Diversion and Trafficking Act mandates recordkeeping for various drug precursor chemicals. Industry wins an exemption for ephedrine and pseudoephedrine in pill form.

Meth producers and their suppliers switch to ephedrine and pseudoephedrine in pill form.

1993

The Domestic Chemical Diversion and Control Act closes the ephedrine pill loophole, but pseudoephedrine exemption remains.

Labs switch from ephedrine to pseudoephedrine pills.

1996

The Comprehensive Methamphetamine Control Act closes the pseudoephedrine pill loophole. Industry, with help from Sen. Orrin Hatch (R-Utah), wins exemption for pills sold in blister packs.

Labs switch to blister packs.

2000

The Methamphetamine Anti-Proliferation Act reduces the amount of pseudoephedrine that can be sold in a single transaction. Blister packs are again exempted.

Meth labs proliferate nationwide.

2004

Oklahoma becomes the state to put pseudoephedrine behind the counter. Industry fights the measure.

Meth labs plummet in Oklahoma, encouraging other states to follow suit.

2005

The Federal Combat Methamphetamine Epidemic Act requires stores to put pseudoephedrine behind the counter (without requiring a prescription) and limits how much an individual can buy. Industry says this will hurt consumers and won’t reduce labs.

Meth lab incidents fall 61 percent nationwide. But cooks begin employing smurfers to go from pharmacy to pharmacy and buy the maximum amount allowed.

2006

Oregon makes pseudoephedrine a prescription drug despite massive industry lobbying.

Meth lab incidents decrease 96 percent in Oregon over the next six years.

2007

Bucking industry opposition, Mexico bans most pseudoephedrine.

Potency of meth being smuggled into the US plunges as Mexican labs switch to other chemicals.

2009 to present

Lawmakers in 24 states try to make pseudoephedrine a prescription drug. In DC, Oregon Sen. Ron Wyden drafts a federal prescription bill.

All but one of the bills are defeated. Citing consumer concerns and “heavy industry spending,” Wyden never introduces his legislation.

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WHO DOESN’T LOVE A POSITIVE STORY—OR TWO?

“Great journalism really does make a difference in this world: it can even save kids.”

That’s what a civil rights lawyer wrote to Julia Lurie, the day after her major investigation into a psychiatric hospital chain that uses foster children as “cash cows” published, letting her know he was using her findings that same day in a hearing to keep a child out of one of the facilities we investigated.

That’s awesome. As is the fact that Julia, who spent a full year reporting this challenging story, promptly heard from a Senate committee that will use her work in their own investigation of Universal Health Services. There’s no doubt her revelations will continue to have a big impact in the months and years to come.

Like another story about Mother Jones’ real-world impact.

This one, a multiyear investigation, published in 2021, exposed conditions in sugar work camps in the Dominican Republic owned by Central Romana—the conglomerate behind brands like C&H and Domino, whose product ends up in our Hershey bars and other sweets. A year ago, the Biden administration banned sugar imports from Central Romana. And just recently, we learned of a previously undisclosed investigation from the Department of Homeland Security, looking into working conditions at Central Romana. How big of a deal is this?

“This could be the first time a corporation would be held criminally liable for forced labor in their own supply chains,” according to a retired special agent we talked to.

Wow.

And it is only because Mother Jones is funded primarily by donations from readers that we can mount ambitious, yearlong—or more—investigations like these two stories that are making waves.

About that: It’s unfathomably hard in the news business right now, and we came up about $28,000 short during our recent fall fundraising campaign. We simply have to make that up soon to avoid falling further behind than can be made up for, or needing to somehow trim $1 million from our budget, like happened last year.

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