The Supreme Court Won’t Strike Down Gun Control Laws—for Now

It’s another big victory for gun control groups.

People with weapons march in front of the Capitol in Raleigh, North Carolina, on May 1.Gerry Broome/AP

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The Supreme Court on Monday declined to take up any new cases related to state gun laws in its next term, effectively killing nearly a dozen challenges to state gun control measures. It’s a somewhat surprising decision for the Supreme Court—and another big victory for gun control advocates—after the court previously declined to issue a ruling on a New York City gun regulation in April.

Among the cases the court passed up were challenges to open carry restrictions in Maryland and New Jersey. They were similar to the New York case, which the court declared moot in April after the city government, fearing that a Supreme Court ruling could threaten gun control laws across the country, reversed its law barring residents from taking guns outside of the city. Three of the court’s conservative judges dissented from that ruling, though gun rights groups found encouragement in the ruling by Justice Brett Kavanaugh, who wrote that the Supreme Court should address the Second Amendment “soon.” That suggested that the court might take up one of the pending Second Amendment lawsuits.

The court has been reluctant to take up any new Second Amendment disputes since its landmark 2008 decision in Heller v. District of Columbia, which affirmed the right to keep a gun at home for personal protection. But with a stronger conservative majority on the Supreme Court in the Trump era, gun rights advocates were hoping that the court would make a ruling on one of the many challenges to new state gun control laws. For now, at least, that won’t happen.

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WHO DOESN’T LOVE A POSITIVE STORY—OR TWO?

“Great journalism really does make a difference in this world: it can even save kids.”

That’s what a civil rights lawyer wrote to Julia Lurie, the day after her major investigation into a psychiatric hospital chain that uses foster children as “cash cows” published, letting her know he was using her findings that same day in a hearing to keep a child out of one of the facilities we investigated.

That’s awesome. As is the fact that Julia, who spent a full year reporting this challenging story, promptly heard from a Senate committee that will use her work in their own investigation of Universal Health Services. There’s no doubt her revelations will continue to have a big impact in the months and years to come.

Like another story about Mother Jones’ real-world impact.

This one, a multiyear investigation, published in 2021, exposed conditions in sugar work camps in the Dominican Republic owned by Central Romana—the conglomerate behind brands like C&H and Domino, whose product ends up in our Hershey bars and other sweets. A year ago, the Biden administration banned sugar imports from Central Romana. And just recently, we learned of a previously undisclosed investigation from the Department of Homeland Security, looking into working conditions at Central Romana. How big of a deal is this?

“This could be the first time a corporation would be held criminally liable for forced labor in their own supply chains,” according to a retired special agent we talked to.

Wow.

And it is only because Mother Jones is funded primarily by donations from readers that we can mount ambitious, yearlong—or more—investigations like these two stories that are making waves.

About that: It’s unfathomably hard in the news business right now, and we came up about $28,000 short during our recent fall fundraising campaign. We simply have to make that up soon to avoid falling further behind than can be made up for, or needing to somehow trim $1 million from our budget, like happened last year.

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