No Way Out in Lebanon?

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As we know, Israel wants Hezbollah off Lebanon’s southern border so that the rocket attacks on its civilians will end. The Lebanese government was supposed to disarm Hezbollah over the past few years and deploy its own army on the border, but it’s been much too weak to do so, and has been reluctant to confront Hezbollah for fear of triggering another civil war. (Nor, for that matter, has the Lebanese government received much help from the international community towards this end, despite the fact that UN Security Council Resolution 1559 explicitly calls for the disarmament of Hezbollah.)

So that’s where things get tricky. Besides being immoral, Israel’s current strategy—bombing lots of suburbs and killing a bunch of civilians—doesn’t appear likely to achieve its goals. If the IDF couldn’t eradicate Hezbollah during its occupation of southern Lebanon from 1982 to 2000, it’s unlikely to do so now. And it seems especially unlikely to do so by turning northern Lebanon into rubble, which will only weaken the Lebanese government vis-à-vis Hezbollah.

But what else can be done? Kofi Annan and Tony Blair are calling for an international peacekeeping force to enter Lebanon, and quell the fighting. But what then? It’s not even clear that an international force could disarm Hezbollah, as Israel seems to desire (simply moving the militia—and its long-range missiles—away from the border won’t put an end to the underlying issue here). The U.S. can’t even disarm Shiite militias in Iraq and it has over 100,000 troops there. Hezbollah is still very popular among Shiites in Lebanon’s south. This seems like the sort of thing that ought to be tried, at least, but it’s also possible that this entire mess really is as intractable as it seems.

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WHO DOESN’T LOVE A POSITIVE STORY—OR TWO?

“Great journalism really does make a difference in this world: it can even save kids.”

That’s what a civil rights lawyer wrote to Julia Lurie, the day after her major investigation into a psychiatric hospital chain that uses foster children as “cash cows” published, letting her know he was using her findings that same day in a hearing to keep a child out of one of the facilities we investigated.

That’s awesome. As is the fact that Julia, who spent a full year reporting this challenging story, promptly heard from a Senate committee that will use her work in their own investigation of Universal Health Services. There’s no doubt her revelations will continue to have a big impact in the months and years to come.

Like another story about Mother Jones’ real-world impact.

This one, a multiyear investigation, published in 2021, exposed conditions in sugar work camps in the Dominican Republic owned by Central Romana—the conglomerate behind brands like C&H and Domino, whose product ends up in our Hershey bars and other sweets. A year ago, the Biden administration banned sugar imports from Central Romana. And just recently, we learned of a previously undisclosed investigation from the Department of Homeland Security, looking into working conditions at Central Romana. How big of a deal is this?

“This could be the first time a corporation would be held criminally liable for forced labor in their own supply chains,” according to a retired special agent we talked to.

Wow.

And it is only because Mother Jones is funded primarily by donations from readers that we can mount ambitious, yearlong—or more—investigations like these two stories that are making waves.

About that: It’s unfathomably hard in the news business right now, and we came up about $28,000 short during our recent fall fundraising campaign. We simply have to make that up soon to avoid falling further behind than can be made up for, or needing to somehow trim $1 million from our budget, like happened last year.

If you can, please support the reporting you get from Mother Jones—that exists to make a difference, not a profit—with a donation of any amount today. We need more donations than normal to come in from this specific blurb to help close our funding gap before it gets any bigger.

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