Chicago Will Now Tax Sugary Drinks

The Windy City joins Philadelphia, Berkeley, San Francisco, Oakland, and Boulder to slap a levy on sodas.

<a href="http://www.istockphoto.com/photo/recycle-cans-with-clipping-path-gm484286570-71570305?st=_p_soda%20tap">bernie_photo</a>/iStock

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Even as President-elect Donald Trump looks to a soda lobbyist to craft food and farm policy for his coming administration, another major city has stuck a thumb in Big Soda’s eye by imposing a penny-per-ounce soda tax

Cook County, Ill.— which encompasses Chicago—approved the tax Thursday. With a population of 5.2 million, Cook emerges as by far the nation’s biggest locale to tax sugary drinks. As in Philadelphia, which instituted a tax in June,  the Cook soda tax resulted from a vote of the county’s governing council. In the other US cities that have followed suit—San Francisco, Oakland, Boulder on Tuesday and Berkeley in 2014—such decisions are decided by voters mulling ballot initiatives.

In all of those instances, the American Beverage Association led a heavily funded campaign against the move. In Chicago as in the Bay Area, former New York City mayor Mike Bloomberg countered by funding a pro-tax push.

Michael Siegel, a professor at the Boston University School of Public Health, told me these victories are a harbinger of things to come: “Soda taxes are now on the policy agenda, and I think we will only see an increase in such policies over time.” He added that there’s very little research on how effective they are at pushing people to drink less soda, because such taxes remain pretty rare and new. But in the two places that have taxed sodas the longest—Mexico and Berkeley—initial research looks promising, as I showed here.

On top of that, Siegel said, “there is a huge body of economics research demonstrating that for most food and beverage products, increasing the price leads to a reduction in consumption.”

The latest spate of soda-tax triumphs suggests Big Soda’s efforts to stave off tobacco-like status is coming to an end. According to Bloomberg News, “Since 2009, there have been more than 40 attempts to enact a soda tax in cities across the US.” Berkeley broke the industry’s winning streak two years ago, and not the spigot, so to speak, for more taxes appears to be open.

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This one, a multiyear investigation, published in 2021, exposed conditions in sugar work camps in the Dominican Republic owned by Central Romana—the conglomerate behind brands like C&H and Domino, whose product ends up in our Hershey bars and other sweets. A year ago, the Biden administration banned sugar imports from Central Romana. And just recently, we learned of a previously undisclosed investigation from the Department of Homeland Security, looking into working conditions at Central Romana. How big of a deal is this?

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WHO DOESN’T LOVE A POSITIVE STORY—OR TWO?

“Great journalism really does make a difference in this world: it can even save kids.”

That’s what a civil rights lawyer wrote to Julia Lurie, the day after her major investigation into a psychiatric hospital chain that uses foster children as “cash cows” published, letting her know he was using her findings that same day in a hearing to keep a child out of one of the facilities we investigated.

That’s awesome. As is the fact that Julia, who spent a full year reporting this challenging story, promptly heard from a Senate committee that will use her work in their own investigation of Universal Health Services. There’s no doubt her revelations will continue to have a big impact in the months and years to come.

Like another story about Mother Jones’ real-world impact.

This one, a multiyear investigation, published in 2021, exposed conditions in sugar work camps in the Dominican Republic owned by Central Romana—the conglomerate behind brands like C&H and Domino, whose product ends up in our Hershey bars and other sweets. A year ago, the Biden administration banned sugar imports from Central Romana. And just recently, we learned of a previously undisclosed investigation from the Department of Homeland Security, looking into working conditions at Central Romana. How big of a deal is this?

“This could be the first time a corporation would be held criminally liable for forced labor in their own supply chains,” according to a retired special agent we talked to.

Wow.

And it is only because Mother Jones is funded primarily by donations from readers that we can mount ambitious, yearlong—or more—investigations like these two stories that are making waves.

About that: It’s unfathomably hard in the news business right now, and we came up about $28,000 short during our recent fall fundraising campaign. We simply have to make that up soon to avoid falling further behind than can be made up for, or needing to somehow trim $1 million from our budget, like happened last year.

If you can, please support the reporting you get from Mother Jones—that exists to make a difference, not a profit—with a donation of any amount today. We need more donations than normal to come in from this specific blurb to help close our funding gap before it gets any bigger.

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