Stories Missing from U.S. Media

A partial list of occupation/war stories that have gone MIA in the American Iraq coverage.

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[Part 1 of this series on Iraq coverage, The imperfect media storm or George Bush and the Temple of Doom, appeared on Monday.]

Last week, through a front-page reconsideration of its Iraq reporting written by media columnist Howard Kurtz (The Post on WMDs: An Inside Story) the Washington Post finally hung out a piece or two of its dirty laundry. This comes three months after the New York Times buried its Iraq mea culpa on page 10 (and then its ombudsman Daniel Okrent did a far more forthcoming consideration of the same). The fact is that while its editorial page was beating the drums for war, Post prewar reportage was generally marginally better than that of the Times. They had no obvious raging embarrassments like Times‘ reporter Judith Miller’s shameful pieces and more recently, from Walter Pincus to Mike Allen to Dana Priest, they were on the beat of real Bush administration stories in Washington far sooner than their Times equivalents. Still, they have a good deal to apologize for (“From August 2002 through the March 19, 2003, launch of the war, The Post ran more than 140 front-page stories that focused heavily on administration rhetoric against Iraq. Some examples: ‘Cheney Says Iraqi Strike Is Justified’; ‘War Cabinet Argues for Iraq Attack’; ‘Bush Tells United Nations It Must Stand Up to Hussein or U.S. Will’; ‘Bush Cites Urgent Iraqi Threat’; ‘Bush Tells Troops: Prepare for War.’), though you’ll find no apologies here, certainly not for the front-paging of administration war propaganda and the nixing or burying of what prewar questioning its reporters did.

You’ll also find the following howler from Executive Editor Leonard Downie Jr., “[W]e were so focused on trying to figure out what the administration was doing that we were not giving the same play to people who said it wouldn’t be a good idea to go to war and were questioning the administration’s rationale,” not to speak of Bob Woodward’s claim that “We had no alternative sources of information” — at a moment when he knew from the horse’s mouth, so to speak, that the Bush administration was intent on war with Iraq. (Of course, you didn’t need insider sources to grasp this, just a pair of eyes and ears.) Imagine, though, that Washington’s imperial paper of record was focused only on discovering what then couldn’t have been more obvious to tens of millions of people around the world: that the Bush administration was hell-bent on and determined only to go to war, WMDs or no. So imagine, in turn, Kurtz is the best we can hope for a year and a quarter after Baghdad was taken, after a series of Tsunami-like events that have sent the Bush administration reeling, long after every aspect of its WMD claims has gone down those “aluminum tubes” (doubts about which the Post admits to having back-paged) and into oblivion. And they say the President has a tough time acknowledging error!

Self-censorship, conformity, and craven bowing to administration propaganda of the sort admitted to by the Washington Post are, however, just the tip of the media iceberg. The Post, via Kurtz, is only not-apologizing for what was actually written and where it was placed in the paper. It remains beyond anyone’s wildest dreams to hope that our major papers would devote the slightest thought to stories logically should have been covered but simply went missing-in-action. So for the rest of this dispatch, let me just focus on American Iraq reportage since the taking of Baghdad and offer my own little non-inclusive list of occupation/war stories that seem to me to have gone MIA — and these are only the ones that, with my limited public sources and limited knowledge, I can see from here. Then, because every war has its war words that are meant to bend embattled reality to someone’s advantage, I want to consider a few recent examples of Iraq war words and how the press has dealt with them.

Missing Stories

1. Air Power: Air power has been at the heart of the American-style of war since World War II. With the sole exception of Central America in the Reagan era, from the Korean War in the early 1950s to Vietnam, Laos, and Cambodia in the 1960s to the 2001 “shock and awe” bombing of Baghdad, the application of massive air power (or more recently of cruise missiles), often unopposed, has been the essence of war as Americans have fought it. It strikes us as completely normal to be able to bring air power to bear in situations where the enemy of choice has neither air power of its own, nor any but the most minimal air defenses.

When under the onslaught, if the enemy then takes refuge in places that would normally be forbidden to bomb — hospitals, schools, temples, mosques, or among the civilian population — this is seen as a “cowardly” act, placing our military at such a disadvantage as to nullify the “rules of war.” And this is a theme sometimes taken up in the press. In a recent piece (Why the Najaf Offensive Is on Hold), for instance, Time‘sTony Karon, who generally writes interesting analysis, picked up a phrase made popular in the Vietnam era in discussing the recent fighting near the Imam Ali Shrine in Najaf: “While the estimated 1,000 lightly armed Mehdi militiamen,” he wrote, “were no match for more than 3,000 U.S. troops and an undisclosed number of Iraqi personnel deployed there, the political circumstances in which the battle was waged forced the Marines to fight with one hand tied behind their backs.”

Now this is literally true. For fear of further damaging the Shrine of Imam Ali, the Marines are evidently at present under orders, if fired upon from the direction of the Shrine, not to fire back. What’s missing in action here, however, is the other part of the story: When we employ Apache helicopters, Predator drones armed with Hellfire missiles, and F-16s (not to speak of tanks) in heavily populated urban areas against an enemy armed mainly with AK-47s and RPGs, how many hands do we have in front of our backs? Six? Ten? Eighty-seven?

Now that significant portions of Iraq, city by city, seem to be blinking off the American map, our military is increasingly releasing air power as the weapon of choice in those heavily populated urban areas. In the last week, we have bombed, missiled, or strafed (sometimes a combination of all three) in Sadr City, the Shiite slum holding an estimated 2 million of Baghdad’s inhabitants, Samarra, Kut, Najaf, Fallujah (more than once) and possibly in Ramadi and Hilla as well among other places. If you have the time to read deep into Iraq coverage, follow various news wires, check out historian Juan Cole’s invaluable Informed Comment website, check and troll various representatives of the foreign press on-line, you can certainly piece much of this together. So, in Kut, Agence France Presse (AFP) reported:

“Heavy overnight US bombing of Kut killed 84 people and wounded nearly 180 others, a day after clashes between Iraqi police and Shiite militiamen in the southern city, a hospital official said… Police Colonel Salam Fakhri said the bombing started at 1:00 am Wednesday and lasted until 3:00 am. ‘The bombing was concentrated in Al-Sharkia district as the US military felt there were a lot of Shiite militiamen in that area. It also has an office of (radical Shiite Muslim cleric and militia chief) Moqtada Sadr,’ he said.”

Meanwhile, on Thursday in Samarra, 500-pound bombs were dropped on two “known enemy locations” killing, according to the American military, a suspiciously well-rounded-off 50 “anti-Iraqi forces” (“But Dr Abdul Hamid al-Samarrai told AFP news agency at the main hospital that most of the casualties were women and children”).

What’s striking is that, while such bombings seem on the increase, I’ve noted no significant articles in our press on the loosing of American air power in Iraq, the dangers and possible illegalities involved in bombing heavily populated civilian areas of a country you still functionally “occupy,” or of the size and positioning of American air power in Iraq. If you’re an Internet news junky, of course, you can go to the website and check out for yourself the American Air Force in Southwest Asia and where our planes are based in Iraq (as best as can be known), but you might think that the widespread, increasingly commonplace bombing of civilian areas in cities would be a story the media might want to cover in something more than the odd paragraph deep into pieces on other subjects.

There’s an old Vietnam-era lesson in this — as a friend and expert on our experience in Vietnam recently pointed out to me. Reporters can generally follow and cover fighting on the ground. It’s harder to be “on the spot” for bombing, and as the military take for granted (and as was true of our largely uncovered massive air assaults on the South Vietnamese countryside, and parts of Laos and Cambodia back in the late 1960s and early 1970s), for the American press, out of sight is out of mind. (See point 4 below.)

2. Permanent Bases: Here’s another desperately uncovered story of the Iraq War/occupation/war, one I’ve harped on since April of 2003 — our permanent bases (charmingly referred to as “enduring camps”) in Iraq. The possibility that four of these might be built was discussed on the front page of the New York Times while the invasion of Iraq was still in progress (and vehemently denied by the Pentagon). A year later, in the spring of 2004, the Chicago Tribune had a couple of pieces on the up-to-14 enduring camps being prepared. Otherwise, as far as I can tell, our permanent bases, plans for them, the building of them, and what they might mean, strategically speaking have gone almost completely unmentioned in our media. And enormous as they evidently are, they should be hard to overlook. Here’s the only reference I’ve found, in an obscure engineering journal, to their overall size and the enormity of the funds being pouted into them, based on an email interview with Lt. Col. David (Mark) Holt of the Army Corps of Engineers, “who is tasked with facilities development.” It reads:

“U.S. Base Construction–The third major mission the army’s engineers are engaged in is building facilities for the bed-down of U.S. forces.”‘Again the numbers are staggering,’ Holt says. Most of work is being done through KBR. ‘Interesting program in the several billion dollar range,’ Holt says.”

Imagine, “in the several billion dollar range” and being built by Halliburton subsidiary KBR. Some of them like Camp Anaconda are evidently comparable in size to the vast Vietnam-era bases that we built in places like Danang. These go unmentioned and yet if you don’t grasp that, from the beginning, the Pentagon was planning a major string of “enduring camps” in Iraq, then you really can’t grasp why the Bush administration had no exit strategy from that country — because, of course, it had no plans to depart. These permanent bases also helps explain why the Coalition Provisional Administration of L. Paul Bremer so confidently disbanded the Iraqi military of 400,000 and made plans instead to rebuild a modest-sized force (but not an air force) of perhaps 35,000-40,000 lightly armed, tank-less troops (as was said again and again from the time of the invasion on). Instead of maintaining anything close to a Saddam-sized military, the neocons and Pentagon hawks in Washington planned to stick around and provide the air power and muscle needed in such a heavily armed region ourselves, as indeed is happening, though under far different circumstances than our policy makers imagined. Of all the subjects one can understand not being covered in Iraq right now due to the obvious dangers to foreign reporters, these American bases certainly should be a reasonably safe exception.

3. Urban warfare and slaughter: One of the fears of the military at the time of invasion of Iraq was that American troops might be bogged down in urban guerrilla warfare in Baghdad, a situation in which our immense technological advantages in war-fighting could be constrained or partially nullified in a maze of city streets. There were scores of articles about this fearful possibility then and a slew of reports about American preparations for such a fate. (A good example of such pieces is New York Times reporter Alan Cowell’s House to House: Urban Warfare: Long a Key Part of an Underdog’s Down-to-Earth Arsenal, published on March 27, 2003.) In the end, Baghdad fell largely without a struggle. Critics — and there were many, including military ones, who raised the possibility of urban warfare — were essentially laughed off the premises as what in the Vietnam era would have been known as “nervous Nellies,” and the subject was forgotten. Now, this American nightmare seems to be coming true. From Mosul in the north to Basra in the South, U.S. and British troops are involved in spreading urban guerrilla warfare. Yet while this is obvious, it also goes largely uncommented upon. There is no real discussion of, or analysis of this in our press that I’ve seen, though reporters would largely only have to revisit their own or their colleagues’ reportage from the spring of 2003 to begin.

Certainly, the recent warfare in the streets of, and amid the tombstones of, Najaf has been covered in some daily detail. There have been descriptions of “bloody” fighting and fierce “hand-to-hand” combat in Najaf’s vast holy cemetery and in the alleyways of the old city. These accounts give a sense of equality in struggle (as in hands tied behind backs). However, if you look at the casualty figures, it seems that so far perhaps 8 American soldiers have died in the fighting as opposed to many hundreds of Iraqis. Even if American “body counts” of dead Mahdi Army militiamen, announced at over three hundred almost as the battle began, are exaggerated (and even if some of those dead are assumed to be civilians caught up in fighting in a sizeable city rather than “anti-Iraqi forces”), the casualty figures are still grotesquely disproportionate (though remarkably similar to those in most 19th century colonial wars). On the face of it, this should really not simply be labeled “bloody fighting” or “fierce hand-to-hand combat” (however fearsome and dangerous it may be for American soldiers). Another word should be added: slaughter. On this, the casualty figures do not lie. I assure you, though, that you can search our media high and low and not find that word, or anything similar.

4. American strategy in Iraq: I discussed this in my last dispatch, but let me just repeat briefly. When the new State Department/CIA team arrived during the June “transition,” led by soft-spoken ambassador John Negroponte, they clearly had a plan — put new Prime Minister Iyad Allawi and other Iraqi spokesmen in front of the cameras and get American policy-makers inside the Green Zone to shut up. They did so and, miraculously, evidently lacking access, sources, leaks, or quotable voices, reporters simply stopped writing accounts, analyses, speculations on the nature of or meaning of American strategic planning in Iraq. Green Zone officialdom simply disappeared from our press, which largely dealt with the fighting that could be seen in Najaf and Allawi’s supposed decisions in relation to Najaf. It may be obvious to any sane observer that the Americans are still in charge and that American strategic decisions are largely being implemented by Americans, not Iraqis; it may also be plausible that the offensive against Najaf results from an American urge (however ill-advised) to crush what looked to be the easiest of the oppositional forces in the country, al-Sadr’s lightly armed, ill-trained militiamen, and perhaps somehow take Iraq off front pages until November, but as a news story, all strategic thinking in Baghdad is, at the moment, missing in action.

5. The Imam Ali Shrine and Shiism: In the context of points 1-4, this may seem a small matter, but while the Imam Ali Shrine is almost generically referred to as “holy” in any story or perhaps as Shiism’s most holy site or one of Islam’s most holy sites, and its golden dome is sometimes mentioned, and the Shrine itself has regularly been front-paged in stories in the last weeks and can be found near the top of the TV news, I have yet to see a full background piece on the shrine or a full description of its history and meaning. The best I’ve noticed anyway was a sidebar prepared by the “staff “of the Christian Science Monitor, for Scott Balduff”s canny piece Sadr plays to power of martyrdom. Generally speaking, the same goes for Shiism itself. With the exception of Juan Cole, an expert on Shiism, who has been a one-man press corps when it comes to explaining the Shiite world to those of us who visit his site regularly, I would nominate “Shiite” as the least defined noun and the least meaning-filled adjective in our press at the moment..

Why should this matter? One answer is: Because Islam is not a familiar religion to most Americans (despite growing numbers of converts here), and so, unlike more familiar “holy” sites, either religious or political, the Imam Ali Shrine has no resonance for us. The impact of the fighting so near to, and the threat to the Shrine, doesn’t really register here, even as it is deeply unnerving Muslims (not to speak of others) elsewhere in the world. If (in some fantasy future) a rebellious priest, no matter how extreme his views, were locked inside the Vatican with his self-appointed militia fending off an occupying army from some powerful Arab state, I assure you the reporting would be different indeed. It matters that we, who simply read about this, can’t even begin to put ourselves in the shoes of Iraqis experiencing it — although this should at least give us insight into why American policy makers and military men, no less ignorant than the rest of us, can make such staggering tactical blunders.

Read a longer version of the post, and additional dispatches from Tom Engelhardt, at, a web log of The Nation Institute.


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Our team has been on fire lately—publishing sweeping, one-of-a-kind investigations, ambitious, groundbreaking projects, and even releasing “the holy shit documentary of the year.” And that’s on top of protecting free and fair elections and standing up to bullies and BS when others in the media don’t.

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