Hollywood’s Big Wall Street Smackdown

Big finance is used to getting its way in Washington. But the movie lobby had other ideas.

Flickr/<a href="http://www.flickr.com/photos/echo_29/299113264/">echo_29</a> (<a href="http://www.creativecommons.org">Creative Commons</a>).

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It was a Hollywood happy ending—for Hollywood, that is.

For weeks, big movie studios have been fighting an effort by two financial firms to launch a new market in movie futures that would allow investors to bet on box office takings. The financial firms think this is an Oscar-worthy scheme. The movie studios panned it. Wall Street is used to getting its way in Washington. But this time, the James Camerons of the world appear to have outsmarted the Gordon Gekkos.

This Capitol Hill clash began with the Hollywood Stock Exchange (HSX), a fake-money internet game in which players try to predict the box office takes of Hollywood’s biggest flicks. In 2001, Cantor Fitzgerald, a Wall Street investment firm, bought the five-year-old HSX with the intention of perhaps starting a real-money market along the same lines.

But then came the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001. Cantor was headquartered on the top floors of One World Trade Center, right above the impact zone. It lost 658 employees—two-thirds of its staff—in the tragedy. It wasn’t until 2008 that Cantor applied to the Commodity Futures Trading Commission (CFTC), which regulates futures trading, for approval for a real-money HSX.

At first, everything went according to plan. At the beginning of this year, anticipating that the CFTC would soon give the thumbs-up, Cantor began a publicity push to draw attention and potential investors to its new market. That’s when Hollywood got mad.

The studios freaked. They were worried that movie futures could be vulnerable to manipulation and insider trading, and that if investors lost confidence in a film it would bomb at the box office.  The head of the Motion Picture Association of America (MPAA), Bob Pisano—essentially Hollywood’s top lobbyist—wrote (PDF) to the CFTC, warning regulators that film futures would be the “economic equivalent of legalized gambling on movie receipts.”

Despite these objections, the CFTC gave the green light. Both Cantor’s proposed exchange and another submitted by Media Derivatives Inc (MDEX), were approved in mid-April.

The MPAA is a formidable foe, however. Over the past five years, the trade group has spent around $2 million a year lobbying Congress. Its political action committee has handed out tens of thousands of dollars in campaign contributions to key members. It has what DC insiders call “suction.”

Cantor Fitzgerald may be a big deal on Wall Street. But it doesn’t have nearly as much pull on the Hill. It hasn’t lobbied the Senate directly since 2002, according to disclosure databases. And while its employees give generously to congressional candidates, it doesn’t have a PAC exclusively promoting its interests. MDEX—an Arizona-based firm started in 2007—is even less of a Washington player.  

Hollywood’s lobbying paid off. On April 16, as MDEX executives were no doubt celebrating their good fortune, Sen. Blanche Lincoln (D-Ark.) released her draft financial regulatory reform bill (PDF). In it, she proposed the first exclusion of a product from futures markets since angry onion farmers descended on Congress in 1958 to accuse Chicago-based traders of capturing the market and artificially driving down prices. The current law lays out rules governing the trade of derivatives of any product “except onions.” If Lincoln’s bill passes, it will read “except onions and motion picture box office receipts (or any index, measure, value, or data related to such receipts).”

This unexpected plot twist has bipartisan backing. California’s two senators, Dianne Feinstein and Barbara Boxer wrote to the CFTC last week, urging the agency to delay further approval of movie futures trading until Congress finishes work on financial regulatory reform. The letter was also signed by Al Franken (D-Minn.), Jeanne Shaheen (D-NH.), and George LeMieux (R-Fla.).

On Thursday, a House agriculture subcommittee held a hearing on the matter in which the overwhelming conclusion was that the proposal deserved to go straight to video. “What you’re basically talking about, then, is authorizing gambling,” scolded the chairman of the agriculture committee, Collin Peterson (D-Minn.). “The bottom line here is we’re not really talking about a commodity,” said Virginia Republican Bob Goodlatte. “I would think the person who would vote for this thing would be absolutely insane,” said Oregon Democratic Rep. Kurt Schrader.

The MPAA has no knowledge of “any” opposition in the Senate to Lincoln’s ban on movie futures. And when Mother Jones caught up with Lincoln on Thursday, she said that “everybody seems to be on board” with letting the proposal join onion derivatives in the dustbin of history. The bottom line is, if you own any futures on movie futures, now’s a good time to sell.

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WHO DOESN’T LOVE A POSITIVE STORY—OR TWO?

“Great journalism really does make a difference in this world: it can even save kids.”

That’s what a civil rights lawyer wrote to Julia Lurie, the day after her major investigation into a psychiatric hospital chain that uses foster children as “cash cows” published, letting her know he was using her findings that same day in a hearing to keep a child out of one of the facilities we investigated.

That’s awesome. As is the fact that Julia, who spent a full year reporting this challenging story, promptly heard from a Senate committee that will use her work in their own investigation of Universal Health Services. There’s no doubt her revelations will continue to have a big impact in the months and years to come.

Like another story about Mother Jones’ real-world impact.

This one, a multiyear investigation, published in 2021, exposed conditions in sugar work camps in the Dominican Republic owned by Central Romana—the conglomerate behind brands like C&H and Domino, whose product ends up in our Hershey bars and other sweets. A year ago, the Biden administration banned sugar imports from Central Romana. And just recently, we learned of a previously undisclosed investigation from the Department of Homeland Security, looking into working conditions at Central Romana. How big of a deal is this?

“This could be the first time a corporation would be held criminally liable for forced labor in their own supply chains,” according to a retired special agent we talked to.

Wow.

And it is only because Mother Jones is funded primarily by donations from readers that we can mount ambitious, yearlong—or more—investigations like these two stories that are making waves.

About that: It’s unfathomably hard in the news business right now, and we came up about $28,000 short during our recent fall fundraising campaign. We simply have to make that up soon to avoid falling further behind than can be made up for, or needing to somehow trim $1 million from our budget, like happened last year.

If you can, please support the reporting you get from Mother Jones—that exists to make a difference, not a profit—with a donation of any amount today. We need more donations than normal to come in from this specific blurb to help close our funding gap before it gets any bigger.

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