October Hellraiser

Nahar Alam: <i>Fighting for the rights of domestic workers</i>

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At the age of 13, while still living in her native Bangladesh, Nahar Alam became the wife of a police officer through an arranged marriage. Their union was not a happy one–soon after their wedding, Alam discovered that her husband already had a wife, four children, and a violent temper. After four failed attempts to escape, Alam eventually fled Bangladesh for the U.S., settling in Brooklyn, N.Y., where she encountered a different type of abuse.

There, Alam found work as a domestic worker–often logging 12-hour days for as little as $50 a week. Her own experience, coupled with her acquaintance with other South Asian domestic workers who were denied such basic privileges as using the phone or time off inspired her to learn English and become active in promoting economic justice for immigrant domestic workers from her region. “[They are] invisible,” Alam says. “They are isolated, they can’t use the phone, they don’t know English…. Many come to America because of problems at home and are afraid if they complain, their employers will send them back.”

Alam became active in Sakhi for South Asian Women, a nonprofit domestic violence prevention organization, and expanded Sakhi’s scope to include promotion of fair working conditions. While working for the group, she organized demonstrations outside the homes of exploitative employers, handed out leaflets publicizing minimum wage and federal labor standards, and conducted weekly workshops and meetings on workers’ and immigrants’ rights.

In 1997, Alam formed a smaller nonprofit group, Workers’ Awaaz (Workers’ Voice) that focuses exclusively on domestic worker exploitation. Workers’ Awaaz now has about 30 volunteers and members and has helped dozens of women leave unjust work situations.

“I was like a prisoner,” says Gurbachan Juneja, who used to work seven-day weeks as a babysitter for a family on Long Island and now works at a cellular-phone store. “I didn’t know how to leave the house…or use public transportation.” Thanks to Alam’s intervention, she says, “now I can do anything.”

Last year, Workers’ Awaaz won its first court case against an abusive employer. At Alam’s urging, one member who had been grossly underpaid by her employers sued for back pay. ACLU attorney Mike Wishnie handled the case, arriving at a $20,000 settlement on her behalf. “Many of the women Alam worked with had learned their rights,” Wishnie says. “Alam wanted us to set a precedent to demonstrate that they shouldn’t be afraid to exercise them. She’s courageous. The women of Workers’ Awaaz are lucky to have her fighting for them.”

But Alam says her fight is far from over. She would like to create a shelter for domestic workers and conduct more outreach in other immigrant communities.

“She worked like us,” says Juneja. “She knows what we need.”

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Like another story about Mother Jones’ real-world impact.

This one, a multiyear investigation, published in 2021, exposed conditions in sugar work camps in the Dominican Republic owned by Central Romana—the conglomerate behind brands like C&H and Domino, whose product ends up in our Hershey bars and other sweets. A year ago, the Biden administration banned sugar imports from Central Romana. And just recently, we learned of a previously undisclosed investigation from the Department of Homeland Security, looking into working conditions at Central Romana. How big of a deal is this?

“This could be the first time a corporation would be held criminally liable for forced labor in their own supply chains,” according to a retired special agent we talked to.

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WHO DOESN’T LOVE A POSITIVE STORY—OR TWO?

“Great journalism really does make a difference in this world: it can even save kids.”

That’s what a civil rights lawyer wrote to Julia Lurie, the day after her major investigation into a psychiatric hospital chain that uses foster children as “cash cows” published, letting her know he was using her findings that same day in a hearing to keep a child out of one of the facilities we investigated.

That’s awesome. As is the fact that Julia, who spent a full year reporting this challenging story, promptly heard from a Senate committee that will use her work in their own investigation of Universal Health Services. There’s no doubt her revelations will continue to have a big impact in the months and years to come.

Like another story about Mother Jones’ real-world impact.

This one, a multiyear investigation, published in 2021, exposed conditions in sugar work camps in the Dominican Republic owned by Central Romana—the conglomerate behind brands like C&H and Domino, whose product ends up in our Hershey bars and other sweets. A year ago, the Biden administration banned sugar imports from Central Romana. And just recently, we learned of a previously undisclosed investigation from the Department of Homeland Security, looking into working conditions at Central Romana. How big of a deal is this?

“This could be the first time a corporation would be held criminally liable for forced labor in their own supply chains,” according to a retired special agent we talked to.

Wow.

And it is only because Mother Jones is funded primarily by donations from readers that we can mount ambitious, yearlong—or more—investigations like these two stories that are making waves.

About that: It’s unfathomably hard in the news business right now, and we came up about $28,000 short during our recent fall fundraising campaign. We simply have to make that up soon to avoid falling further behind than can be made up for, or needing to somehow trim $1 million from our budget, like happened last year.

If you can, please support the reporting you get from Mother Jones—that exists to make a difference, not a profit—with a donation of any amount today. We need more donations than normal to come in from this specific blurb to help close our funding gap before it gets any bigger.

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